


,^0, 



m^ .^ ^ ^^ip^^ ^ ^ ^^ 






G^" ^"^o ^/r.T^' A 



^. 






.M" -V/7:^>._ 















.^' 



0- 










^- ''^ 



-V -<» ^ N// ,7V, '\- , 









.V 



k\VA' 



i: ^^' -^^ ".vM\y.- .«.^'"-^. '-mm: j-'^-u. ':mm': ^"h 







\,^ -•MC'.X/ '' 
















^ o V"^ 


. "> 




^0-^, 







'^^ A^' .^;r?^:0^^ ■ -it .^'^ /-r^-^l-o > 



^■f^^^^'^^ ^^ 















4' ~ 



& 



-^o. 



v^' 











o 


^oV 


^ 


^^-^ 




,^ 


O" 


s> 



^0 






(^^. 



o V 
^0 ^ 






m 



'# 



,4' 



\^J 



e^^ 






-2: 



UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS 

IN 

AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY 

Vol. 12, No. 4, pp. 139-194 June 24, 1916 



MIWOK MOIETIES 

BY 
EDWARD WINSLOW GIFFORD 



CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Introduction 139 

Moieties 140 

Exogamy 141 

Totemism 142 

Ceremonies 14.5 

Personal Names 146 

Marriages 161 

Genealogies 165 

Terms of Relationship 170 

Terminology and Social Customs 181 

Cross-cousin Marriage 189 

Conclusion 193 



INTRODUCTION 

The Miwok Indians of the Sierra Nevada of California are divided 
by anthropologists into three dialectic groups, termed Northern or 
Amador, Central or Tuolumne, and Southern or Mariposa. These 
three groups occupy the western slope of the mountains from El 
Dorado County in the north to Madera County in the south. ^ Their 
social organization takes the form of totemic exogamic moieties with 
paternal descent. 

To Dr. C. Hart Merriam and to Dr. S. A. Barrett belongs the credit 
of calling attention to the Miwok moieties.^ The present contribution. 



1 For geograj)hieal information see C. Hart Merriam, Distribution and Classi- 
fication of the Mewan Stock of California, Am. Anthr., n. s., ix, 338-357, 1907; 
and S. A. Barrett, The Geography and Dialects of the Miwok Indians, Univ. 
Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn., vi, .333-368, 1908. 

2 C. Hart Merriam, Totemism in California, Am. Anthr., n. s., x, 558-562, 
1908; S. A. Barrett, Totemism Among the Miwok Indians, Journ. Am. Folk-Lore, 
XVII, 237, 1908. 



140 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Etlin. [Vol. 12 

while treating of the moieties in a general way, deals especially with 
two subjects with which they are closely interlocked, viz., personal 
names and terms of relationship. The former are connected with the 
totemic features of the moieties, the latter with the exogamic features. 

The writer has recently found an organization, bearing a resem- 
blance to that of the Miwok, among the Shoshonean Mono on the 
western slope of the Sierra Nevada in Madera County, and among the 
Chukchansi, Gashowu, and Tachi, which are Yokuts. tribes. The 
Chukchansi inhabit Madera County north of the San Joaquin River ; 
the Gashowu inhabit Fresno County south of the San Joaquin River ; 
and the Tachi inhabit the plains north of Tulare Lake. These discov- 
eries, which will be treated in a forthcoming paper, indicate that social 
organization on a dual basis was common to a large part of south 
central California." 

The data here recorded refer, except where otherwise noted, to the 
Central Sierra Miwok, and were obtained during three visits to their 
territory in Tuolumne County. These visits were made in 1913, 1914, 
and 1915. Information was also obtained from people who spoke the 
Northern Sierra dialect and who were employed on ranches in the 
vicinity of Elk Grove, Sacramento County. These people had come 
down from their homes in the Sierra Nevada foothills of Amador 
County. A brief visit was also paid to the Southern Sierra Miwok 
of Madera County. 

In the preparation of this paper I am indebted to Dr. A. L. 
Kroeber, who has unstintingly given me the benefit of his knowledge 
of Californian ethnology. 

MOIETIES 

As already related, the Central Sierra Miwok are divided into ex- 
ogamic moieties with paternal descent, usually spoken of as kikua 
(water side) and tunuka (land, or dry, side). Frequently the former 
are referred to as "bullfrog people" (lotasuna) and the latter as 
"bluejay people" (kosituna). The presence of two exogamic divisions 
with animal nicknames has at least a superficial analogy to a case 
mentioned by Dr. W. H. R. Rivers as occurring on the island of Raga 
or Pentecost in the northern New Hebrides.* 



3 For a preliminary notice see Dichotomous Social Organization in South 
Central California, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn., xi, 291-296, 1916. 

4 Totemism in Polynesia and Melanesia, Journ. Eoy. Anthr. Inst., xxxix, 172, 
1909. 



1916] Giford: Miwoh Moieties 141 

With the Miwok th'e moiety has no subdivisions. At first glance 
the fact that 16 per cent of the Central Sierra Miwok are named after 
bears, and the remainder after numerous other animate and inanimate 
objects and phenomena, would seem to suggest a phratral system, with 
numerous totemic gentes, gone into decay. The Indians, nevertheless, 
positively deny the existence of smaller divisions. They in no way 
regard the people witli bear names, for example, as forming a special 
group. Nothing in the information obtained points to a phratral 
system ever having been in operation. 

Individuals from the Northern Sierra division of the Miwok were 
found to disagree as to the occurrence of the moiety system among 
their people. An informant from West Point in Calaveras County 
and one from Jackson in Amador County stated that the dual divisions 
were in force in those places. Two other informants, one thirty and 
the other about forty years of age, from Plymouth, in Amador County, 
knew nothing about the moieties. 

Exogamy 

The exogamic rules of the moieties were not rigidly adhered to 
even before the coming of the whites. Out of a series of four hundred 
and thirteen individuals, whose names were obtained, one hundred 
and eighty-four, or 45 per cent, belonged to the water moiety, and 
two hundred and twenty-nine, or 55 per cent, to the land moiety. The 
greater number of these four hundred and thirteen individuals were 
either of the generation of the oldest Indians of today or of the pre- 
ceding generation. Had the exogamic rules been strictly enforced it 
would have meant that ten people out of every hundred went un- 
married or else married late in life. The natural result of this pre- 
ponderance of one moiety over the other would be the breaking down 
of strict exogamy in actual practice, especially in a case like the 
present, where the system lacks the rigidity of the Australian marriage- 
class system. Informants stated that strenuous efforts were never 
made to prevent improper marriages. The relatives merely objected 
and pointed out the impropriety of such marriages. Under the head- 
ing "Marriages" are listed the recorded Miwok marriages, of which 
actually 25 per cent are improper. 

The figures in the last paragraph show the division into moieties 
of the Central Sierra Miwok as a whole, at least so far as the data go. 
A list of the inhabitants of only one village was obtained. This village 



142 Vniversiiy of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12 

was located on Big Creek near Groveland. The total number of indi- 
viduals listed is one hundred and two and includes people of all 
generations within the knowledge of the informant. Out of this total, 
56 per cent belonged to the water moiety and 44 per cent to the land 
moiety. This is the reverse of the situation among the Central Sierra 
Miwok exclusive of the Big Creek people. A table will perhaps make 
the situation clearer. 

Percentage Percentage 
of water of land 

moiety moiety 

Central Sierra Miwok in general 45 55 

Village at Big Creek 56 44 

Central Sierra Miwok, except Big Creek people 41 59 

Unfortunately no other village censuses have been taken, so that 
in comparing the Big Creek people with the remainder of the Central 
Sierra Miwok we are comparing with a very miscellaneous and scat- 
tered lot of individuals. Roughly stated, however, they may be said 
to be mainly Jamestown and Knights Ferry people. At Big Creek 
twelve people out of a hundred were ineligible for monogamic mar- 
riage within the village, if strict exogamy were enforced. In the 
region outside of Big Creek, however, eighteen people out of a hun- 
dred were ineligible. 

Totem ISM 

That totemic symptoms of one sort or another are present in the 
Miwok organization cannot be denied ; yet, on the other hand, it must 
be acknowledged that the classing of the Miwok with totemic peoples 
is based on a rather Aveak foundation. The claims for such classifi- 
cation rest on three well established facts. 

First, all nature is divided between land and water, in a more or 
less arbitrary manner, to be sure, as shown by the classing of such 
animals as the coyote, deer, and quail on the "water" side. 

Second, the exogamic moieties are identified respectively with land 
and water. 

Third, an intimate connection exists between the land and water 
divisions of nature and the land and water moieties. This connection 
is through personal names, which usually have an implied reference 
to animate or inanimate natural objects or phenomena, although not 
infrefpiently to manufactured objects instead. The objects or phe- 
nomena referred to in personal names belong, as a rule, either to the 
water or to the land side of nature. The names are applied according 



1916] Giford: MiwoTc Moieties 143 

as the individual is of the water or of the land moiety. Hence, it 
may be said that each moiety is connected through the personal names 
of its members with a more or less definite group of objects and 
phenomena. 

The ensuing very incomplete lists, the contents of which were 
spontaneous on the part of informants, give some idea of the dual 
classification of nature. The reason for placing on the ''water" side 
certain creatures which are actually land animals is hard to under- 
stand. An informant explained two of the cases to me as follows: 
The quail is placed on the water side because a turtle once turned into 
a quail ; while the coyote is placed on the water side because Coyote 
won a bet with the creator and the latter had to go to the sky and take 
a land-side name, while Coyote remained on earth and took a water- 
side name. 

On the water side are coyote, deer, antelope, beaver, otter, quail, 
dove, kingbird, bluebird, turkey vulture, killdeer, jacksnipe, goose, 
crane, kingfisher, swan, land salamander, water snake, eel, whitefish, 
minnow, katydid, butterfly, clouds, and rainy weather. 

On the land side are tree squirrel, dog, mountain lion, wildcat, 
raccoon, jay, hawk, condor, raven, California woodpecker, flicker, 
salmon-berry, " Indian j)otato, " sky, and clear weather. 

Another, though slender, bit of evidence in favor of totemism is a 
fragment of a myth recounting the origin of the moieties. It was 
obtained from a woman of the water moiety, Mrs. Sophie Thompson, 
formerly chieftainess at Big Creek, near Groveland. She stated that 
her father, Nomasu, told her the story. In this myth it is interesting 
to note that, although an animal of each side is concerned, it is the 
coyote, usually classified by the Miwok as a water animal, which 
actually gives birth to the four founders of the moieties. However, 
the part the coyote plays may perhaps be as much that of culture hero 
as of water totem. The myth, the scene of which is laid in Hetch- 
Hetchy Valley, runs as follows : 

Coyote said to his wife, Bear, as he was about to cohabit with her: "We 
will have a boy and a girl. ' ' His wife gave birtli to twins, a coyote-boy and a 
coyote-girl, who grew up. 

Coyote girl married a bear. Coyote himself dreamed and "made the first 
four people when he was dreaming. He dreamed how he was going to make two 
kinds and how he was going to call them." Coyote-girl and her husband told 
each other they would have four children, two girls and two boys. Coyote- 
girl gave birth to them and they were the first four people about whom Coyote 
dreamed. 



144 University of California Fublications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12 

Coyote named one of the male children Tunuka and one of the female 
children Kikiia. The other male child he named Kikua and the other female 
Tunuka. Coyote thus made the moieties and gave people their first names. 

The new couples, although brothers and sisters, married and had children. 
The gopher acted as messenger and told Tunuka (woman) to come and help 
Kikua (woman) give birth to her child. After his wife Kikua had given birth, 
Tunuka (man) went out and killed a turkey vulture so as to wrap his baby in 
the feathers. Next Tunuka (woman) had a baby and gopher went to Kikua 
(woman) and asked her to come and assist at the delivery. Then Kikua (the 
husband of Tunuka) went out and killed an eagle to wrap his baby in. He 
also killed a deer and tanned the hide to make a cradle-board of it for the baby. 

Coyote-boy also married his sister's daughter Tunuka, the wife of Kikua. 

The above myth is the only one obtained which points to a belief 
in actual descent from animals. When applied to people with bear 
names it looks very much like a myth of descent from the totem, or 
at least from the animal after which these people are named. Especi- 
ally is this true if a genealogy shows bear names continuously on the 
male side of the family. Such was very nearly the case with the family 
of the informant's husband (see genealogy III). With one exception, 
all possessed bear names, at least during the four generations shown 
in the genealogy just mentioned. When asked if her husband be- 
lieved his paternal ancestors to be descended from a bear, Mrs. Thomp- 
son replied in the affirmative ; but the bear she referred to was Coyote- 
girl's husband, who, according to the myth, was the paternal ancestor 
of all the Miwok regardless of moiety or personal name, and not merely 
the paternal ancestor of the Miwok with bear names. Negative an- 
swers were received from all other informants when similar questions 
were propounded to them. They were usually amused at the idea of 
one of their ancestors being a bear, the sun, a dance-pole, or some other 
object. In short, the Central Sierra Miwok as a whole do not believe 
that they are descended from animals. They do believe, however, that 
they succeeded the animals on earth, which is the belief common to 
the typical central Californian stocks. This belief, that before the 
coming of the Indians animals possessed the world, is very different 
from the idea of descent from the totem. 

Informants stated that in former days it was customary for people 
to "show respect" to the bear, the eagle, and the falcon after any of 
these had been killed. This was done by laying the body of the slain 
creature on a blanket and having a little feast in honor of it wheu it 
was brought to the hunter's home. So far as I could ascertain, this 
was not a ceremony connected with moieties or with totemism. It 
was no different in import from tlie offerings made by tlie Miwok wlien 



1916] Gilford: Miwolc Moieties 145 

a condor was killed or when the young of a certain hawk were taken 
from the nest.^ This type of ceremony was common to a large part of 
California. The purpose was to appease the animal or its spirit. The 
ceremony was based on the belief that the animals possessed dangerous 
supernatural power. Obviously the three cases in question are no 
different in motive from the above, or from the practices of other 
stocks, of which a notable example is the Maidu treatment of bears." 

The supernatural powers obtained by shamans from animals were 
not received, except by coincidence, from the animal after which the 
shaman was named. A man of the water moiety might become a bear 
shaman just as readily as a man of the land moiety, even though bears 
and bear names are associated only with the latter moiety. Appar- 
ently a man's moiety and his personal name had no influence on his 
acquisition of supernatural power. The animal he was n-amed after 
did not become his familiar or guardian spirit, except, as I have said, 
by coincidence. 

Ceremonies 

The participation of the moieties as such in games and cere- 
monies was unimportant. Out of forty-four known ceremonies, the 
moieties took part as such in only four — the funeral, the mourning 
ceremony, the girl's puberty ceremony, and a dance known as the 
ahana. At least at Big Creek the moieties had reciprocal funerary 
functions, it being the duty of one moiety to care for the dead of the 
other. In the washing of the people which terminated the mourning 
ceremony washers of the water moiety tended one basket and washed 
people of the land moiety, while washers of the land moiety tended 
another basket and washed people of the water moiety. This custom, 
together with that of the moieties taking sides in games, obtained regu- 
larly at Big Creek, but not to such an extent elsewhere. This perhaps 
points to Big Creek as a place in which the moiety system was more 
firmly established. 

In the girl's puberty ceremony it was customary for some girl, 
for whom the rites had previously been performed, to exchange dresses 
with the initiate. In all cases the two girls belonged to opposite moie- 
ties; if the initiate was of the water moiety, the girl who exchanged 
dresses with her must be of the land moiety. In the ahana dance the 



5 See the meaning of Teuke in the list of personal names, p. 157. 

6 Eoland B. Dixon, The Northern Maidu, Bull. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., xvii, 194, 
1905. 



146 University of California Publieaiions in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 1:1 

spectators, who made gifts to the dancers, were always of the opposite 
moiety but of the same sex as the dancers to whom they gave presents. 
Among the Southern Sierra Miwok of Madera County dancers 
indicate their moiety by means of paint, especially on the face. The 
land moiety is indicated by stripes, usually horizontal; the water 
moiety by spots. The latter are said to represent the spots of fawns, 
which are water moiety animals. Informants did not know what the 
land moiety stripes represented. 

PERSONAL NAMES 

A child was named shortly after birth, preferably by a grand- 
father, but not infrequently by any one of the near relatives. The 
name received at that time was kept throughout life. Names of men 
and women did not differ. Occasionally a person received a nickname 
later in life. 

The literal meanings or derivations, in part at least, as well as 
the connotations, of one hundred and forty-four personal names were 
obtained. Thirty-four of these names prove to be nouns or deriva- 
tives of nouns, and one hundred and two verbs or derivatives of verbs. 
Of the remaining eight names, three are adverbial, while five may be 
either nouns or verbs. It is likely that a similar proportion will be 
found throughout the remaining two hundred and eighty-seven names, 
of which record was made, when the literal meanings are worked out. 
It is interesting to find that in the use of both nouns and verbs Yokuts 
personal names, as obtained by Dr. A. L. Kroeber, agree with the 
Miwok.'^ 

To a strange Indian, not acquainted with the individual whose 
name is mentioned, verb names have only their literal meaning. To 
the friends and acquaintances of the individual, however, the name 
has more than its literal meaning. It has an implied meaning, which 
usually brings in a reference to an animate or inanimate object. For 
example, the personal name Wiiksii is a form of the verb meaning 
"to go." Yet to the friends and relatives of the man his name meant 
"Sun going down." Another interesting case is found in the per- 
sonal names Hausii and Hautcu, both derived from hausus, to yawn, 
or to gap(\ The former is a land moiety name and a bear is implied ; 
the latter is a water moiety name and a salmon is implied. An ex- 
treme case, but one which throws light on the uumtal attitude of the 



Yokuts Names, Jourii. Am. Folk Lore, XIX, 142-143, 1906. 



1916] Gi ford: Mi wok Moieties 147 

name-giver, is that of the name Kuyunu. This name, according to the 
informant, had the connotation, "Dog wagging its tail/' Kuyunu 
contains the same root as kuyage, to whistle. Apparently the name- 
giver thought of the whistling of a man to a dog as the cause of the 
dog wagging its tail, and, instead of naming the child after the action 
of the dog, named it after the cause of the dog's action ; namely, whis- 
tling. Without knowledge of the individual, a Miwok, on hearing any 
of the above names, would be unable to decide as to the person 's moiety 
or as to the animal or object implied. In the seventy bear names 
obtained, the word for bear is actually used in only one case. 

In other words, among the Miwok there is absolutely nothing in 
the literal meanings of over 70 per cent of the personal names even to 
suggest totemism. It is only in the implied meanings that the totemic 
element appears. In this respect there is a striking resemblance to 
the Mohave custom of calling women by names which have only an 
implied and perhaps esoteric reference to natural objects or phe- 
nomena, the coyote, for instance.^ 

A close parallel to Miwok names is found in Hopi personal names, 
as set forth in the Rev. H. R. Voth's paper on "Hopi Proper Names. "^ 
The names as a rule are considerably longer than the average Miwok 
name, because they are usually made up of two or more elements, in 
many cases a noun and a verb. Pure verb names among the Hopi are 
scarce, but, when they do occur, they do not differ from Miwok verb 
names in their application. For example, consider the name Una, 
which means "remember"; in this there is nothing to indicate the 
animal or object for which the person was named. Yet the coyote is 
implied, and the name "refers to the fact that a coyote is said to 
remember some food that he has buried somewhere and that he then 
gets." As stated above, each Miwok name has an implied or actual 
reference to an object associated with the moiety to which the pos- 
sessor of the name belongs. Each Hopi name, however, does not refer 
to the clan totem of the possessor, except coincidentally, but does refer 
to the clan totem of the name-giver. The most striking resemblance 
between the Miwok and the Hopi systems of naming lies in the fact 
that in each system names identical in form, when applied to different 
individuals, may connote entirely different objects. 

Half-breeds born of Miwok mothers and white fathers are always 
considered as belonging to tlie moiety of which the mother is not a 



8 A. L. Kroeber, Preliminary Sketch of the Mohave Indians, Am. Anthr., 
n. s., IV, 278, 1902. 

9 Field Col. Mus. Anthr., vi, 61-113, 1905. 



148 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Etlin. [Vol. 12 

member. For example, if the mother is of the land moiety, the half- 
breed child will be of the water moiety and his or her name will refer 
to an animal or object identified with the water side of nature. 

The matter of naming foreigners who take up their residence with 
the Miwok proceeds after a somewhat similar fashion. It is particu- 
larly well exemplified by a number of Yokuts and Costanoan men who 
lived with the Miwok and married Miwok women. As a rule these 
men were placed in the moiety to which their wives did not belong. 
The same practice is shown in the marriage of Yottoko, a negro, to 
Ukunulumaiye, a Miwok woman of the land moiety. Yottoko was 
given a water moiety name. The above custom is just the reverse of 
the Winnebago practice, in which foreigners who marry Winnebago 
women are given a name from the wife's clan.^'^ Descent with the 
Winnebago is paternal as with the Miwok, hence the children of such 
marriages belong to the mother's clan, not directly through the mother, 
however, but through the father. 

The ensuing list gives the names for which complete or partial 
derivations have been worked out. The sex and moiety of each indi- 
vidual is indicated as follows: (m.) for male, (f.) for female, W. for 
water moiety, L. for land moiety. The italicized words in this list 
indicate the animals or other objects to which the personal names refer. 
It is to be noted that the connotation of a name occasionally brings to 
light an interesting old custom, for example, in the ease of the name 
Tcuke (see p. 157). Lack of familiarity with the language prevents a 
fuller linguistic analysis of the names. 

Akaino. L. (m.) Bear holding its head up. Akaiye, to hold one's head up. 

Akulu. L. (m.) Looking at the sun. Akule, to look up. 

Apanta. W. (m.) Salamander in the water. Apanta, salamander. 

Atce. W. (f.) Cutting and drying salmon. Ate, to split off. 

Awanata. W. (m.) Turtle. 

Elki. L. (m.) Bear hanging intestines of people on top of rocks or bushes. 
Elkini, to hang on top of or over. 

Efieto. L. (m.) Bear's manner of walking. Ena, bent or crooked. In this case 
reference is made to the bear bending its foot when walking. 

Epeta. L. (f.) Lizard lying on top of rock. Epetitcii, to lie on the belly. 

Etu. L. (m.) Sun rising from the hills. Etu, sun; etunni, to get warm in the 
sun, that is, to sun one's self; etuniii, to ascend a hill. According to a Big 
Creek informant, etu is the term for sun at that place. Cf. watu, sun, in 
Southern Sierra dialect. Among the Central Sierra Miwok, other than Big 
Creek people, hiema is the term for sun. 

Etumu. L. (m.) Bear warming itself in the sun. Etumu, to sun one's self. 



10 Paul Radin, The Clau Organization of the Winnebago, a Preliminary 
Paper, Am. Anthr., n. s., xii, 212-213, 1910. 



1916] Gifford: Miwok Moieties 149 

Etumiiye. L. (f.) Bear climbing a hill. Etumii, to asceud a hill. 

Hatawa. L. (m.) Bear breaking the bones of people or animals. Hate, foot; 

hate, to press with the foot; atwa, to split. 
Hateya. L. (f.) Bear making track in the dust. Hate, foot; hate, to press 
with the foot. 

Hausii. L. (m.) Bear yawning as it awakes. Hausus, to yawn, to gape. 

Hautcu. W. (m.) Salmon gaping when out of water. Hausus, to yawn, to gape. 

He'eluye. L. (f.) Bow, arroirs, and quiver placed against tree while warrior rests. 
Seelutco, to lay on side. 

Helaku. L. (f.) Sunny elay without clouds. Helaku, sunny day. 

Helki. W. (m.) Jacksnipe (?) digging into ground with bill. Hele, to touch. 
The Miwok name for the bird alluded to its kuiatawila; it is said to come 
only in the winter. 

Helkimu. W. (m.) Hitting bushes with seed beater. Hele, to touch. 

Heltu. L. (m.) Bear barely touching people as it reaches for them. Helat, to 
reach for and barely touch. 

Hesutu. L. (m.) Lifting a i/f??o«--JocA-e<s' nest out of the ground. Hesa, yellow- 
jackets' nest; hesute, to take out yellow-jackets' nest. 

Hesutuye. L. (f.) Getting j/e//oH'-./rtcAefs' nest from the ground. Hesa, yellow- 
jackets' nest; hesute, to take out yellow- jackets ' nest. 

Heteltci. L. (f.) Leaning against pota ceremony pole. Helitcu, to lean against. 

Hisokuye. L. (f.) Hair growing on bear. Hisoku, body hair. 

Hopoto. W. (m.) Frog eggs hatching in water. Hopoto, round. 

Hotutu. W. (m.) Bound rods hurting the feet, when one is walking. Hoto- 
wun, to walk on round rocks; hotolum, to roll. 

Howotmila. L. (m.) Eunning hand down (encircling) branch of a certain kind 
of shrub to get off the seeds for beads. Howotu, beads. 

Hunipte. L. (m.) Looking "high-toned" when getting seed. Hunepu, to look 
proud. 

Hupaiye. W. (f.) Making boiled " ivild cabbage" into a ball for lunch when 
cooking acorns. Hupaiye, to squeeze. 

Huyana. W. (m.) Sain falling. 

Kalmanu. W. (m.) Lightning striking tree. Kala, lightning striking. 

Katuye. W. (m.) Damming water in pool. Kata, to close, to shut. 

Kilikila. L. (m.) Small haivJc (kilikila) calling, making a cry which resembles 
name. 

Koho. L. (m.) Limping. Cojo, Spanish for lame. 

Kolenya. W. (f.) Fish coughing. Kole, to cough. 

Kolotomu. W. (f.) Getting oak-leaf gaU-mits. Kolotu, a spiny red oak-leaf 
gall-nut. 

Kosumi. W. (m.) Going fishing with a spear for salmon. Kose, to throw at; 
kosumu, salmon. 

Kukse. W. (m.) Valley quail starting to fly from ground. Kukse, to be fright- 
ened. 

Kusetu. W. (f.) "Wild potato" sprouting. Kusetu, to bloom. 

Kusetu. L. (m.) "Wild potato" growing out of ground. Kusetu, to bloom. 

Kusetuye. W. (f.) "Wild potato" sprouting. Kusetu, to bloom. 

Kutattca. L. (m.) Bear scattering intestines of a person as it eats him. Ku- 
tatcnani, to throw away something not wanted. 

Kutcume. L. (m.) Unburned ends of wood after fire dies out. 

Kutcuyak. L. (m.) Bear with good hair. Kutci, good. 



150 Uiiivcr.sity of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12 

Kututcanati. L. (f.) Bear eating people. This name is undoubtedly of the 
same derivation as Kutattca. 

Kuyunu. L. (m.) Dog wagging its tail. Probably from kuyage, to whistle, in 
which case the meaning is entirely a matter of implication. The reason for 
such a meaning lay in the mind of the name-giver, who connected the wag- 
ging of a dog 's tail with the whistling of a person to the dog. 

Labakse. W. (m.) Getting elderberry wood. Lapa, elderberry. 

Lilepu. L. (m.) Bear going over a man hiding between rocks. Lile, up, prob- 
ably used here with the idea of over, or on top of. 

Linugse. L. (m.) Tide growing in water. Lina, tule. 

Liptcu. W. (m.) Drop2:)ing of eggs of female salmon when it is lifted up. 
Lipisa, to drop. 

Liptuye. L. (f.) Getting pine-nuts from cones which have dropped from the 
tree to the ground. Lipisa, to drop. 

Litaiia. W. (m.) Hummingbird darting down after having gone straight up. 
Litanii, to dart down. 

Liwanu. L. (m.) Bear growling. Liwaui, to talk; liwa, to make noise. 

Lumai. W. (m.) Humming of hummingbird's wings when it is flying fast. 
Lumana, to go by with a noise. 

Lutaiyet. W. (f.) Fresh-tcater snail (Physa). 

Luyu. W. (m.) Dove shaking head sideways. Luyani, to shake head sideways. 

Luyunu. L. (m.) Bear taking off leg or arm of person when eating him. 
Luyani, to shake head sideways. 

Liitcmii. W. (m.) Salmon going fast up riffle. Lutsu, to ascend. 

Maiyeno. L. (f.) Chieftainess. 

Matcumpaiye. L. (f.) Eating farewell-to-spring seed raw. Matcu, farewell-to- 
spring (Godetia williamsoni) . 

Memtba. W. (m.) Tasting farewell-to-spring seed after it has been mashed 
with pestle and while still in mortar. Memttu, to taste. 

Mituna. W. (m.) Wrapping a salmon with willow stems and leaves after catch- 
ing it. Mituye, to roll up. 

Moemu. L. (m.) Bears sitting down looking at each other. Mo'aui, to meet; 
moeye, to join. 

Molestu. W. (m.) Eefers to the stone shaped like a deer's foot, which brings 
good luck in deer-hunting to its owner. Mole, a magic stone. 

Mona. W. (m.) Getting .;fm.s-o« M?eed seed. Monoyu, jinison weed; monui, Yokuts 
for jimson weed. 

Muliya. L. (m.) Hitting farewell-to-spring seed with stick when it is on bush. 
Mule, to beat or strike. 

Mulya. L. (m.) Knocking acorns off tree with a long stick. Mule, to beat or 
strike. 

Miile. W. (m.) Hawk seizing quail on ground. Mule, to strike. 

Notaku. L. (m.) Growling of bear as some one passes. Notcaku, to growl. 

Noteitcto. W. (m.) Coyote, snarling over piece of meat under its foot. Notcu, 
to cry. 

Notcuuku. L. (f.) Any kind of animal calling. Notcu, to cry. 

Omusa. Ij. (m.) Missing things when shooting with arrows. Onisa, to miss 
with arrows. Another informant gave this man's name as meaning, "Miss- 
ing deer when shooting at them with arrows. ' ' 

Otu. W. (m.) Collecting sea shells in a basket. Ote, to put in a basket. 

Oya. W. (m.) Naming or speaking of the kuiatawila bird (jachsnipe?). Oya, 
to name. 



1916] Giford: Miwol- Moieties 151 

Pati. W. (m.) Twisting willows for carrying fish. Patiwe, to break by twisting. 

Patiwo. W. (m.) Taking bones from slain deer. Patiwe, to break by twisting. 

Pikatco. L. (f.) Sifting acorn flour on flat basket by shaking. Pika, to sift. 

Pilekuye. W. (f.) Shell nose-stick staying in the ocean. Pileku, shell nose-stick. 

Polaiyu. W. (m.) Lake. Polaiyu, lake, valley, or ocean. 

Polneye. W. (f.) Dove decoying a person by feigning injury. Polangas, to fall. 

Pootci. W. (f.) Cutting saJmon's belly. Putu, to cut open the belly. 

Posala. L. (f.) Pounding farewell-to-spring seed. Posa, to burst. 

Pusubi. W. (m.) Fog blowing up and covering everything. Puseluni, to blow. 

Pususu. L. (m.) Calling a dog. Puus, Yokuts for dog. 

Puta. W. (ni.) Cutting open a salmon. Putu, to cut open the belly. 

Putbana. W. (f.) Catching small fish with basket. Putbako, to scoop up. 

Putceyu. W. (f.) Evil smell of deer's large intestine. Puseyu, to stink. 

Putkuse. L. (f.) Acorn soup boiling. Putkuse, to bubble. 

Sakati. L. (m.) Hawk (kilikila) catching a lizard. Sakati, a species of lizard. 

Sapata. L. (m.) Bear hugging tree. Sapatu, to hug. 

Sapata. L. (f.) Bear dancing with forefeet around tree. Sapatu, to hug. 

Sawa. W. (m.) Eock on edge of river. Sawa, rock. 

Septuye. L. (f.) Taking something, that is burning, from the fire. Sipe, to 
pull out. 

Sewati. L. (f.) Curving of bear's claws. Sewati, curved. 

Sibeta. W. (m.) Pulling white sucker fish from under flat rock. Sipe, to pull 
out. 

Simutuye. L. (f.) Pinning together tree squirrel's abdomen with stick after 
gutting. Simute, to pin together. 

Sipatu. L. (m.) Softening fox's tail after skinning, by repeatedly shoving 
stick into it. Sipe, to pull out. 

Sipinyawo. W. (m.) Breaking deer's bone for marrow\ Sipe, to pull out. 

Sukumi. L. (m.) Great horned oicl. 

Suletu. L. (m.) California jay flying out of tree. Sulete, to fly about. 

Suletuye. L. (f.) Falcon flying from rock. Sulete, to fly about. 

Sumtciwe. W. (m.) Plenty of whiskers. Sumutcelu, facial hair. 

Sumtciwe. L. (f.) Fuzz on sugar pine cone when it is young. Evidently this 
name and the preceding are both derived from a common root, which prob- 
ably refers alike to fuzz and hair. 

Sumutcupti. W. (m.) A name having reference to the person's whiskers. 
Sumutcelu, facial hair. 

Supatce. W. (f.) Mashing seed with pestle. Supa, to mash. 

Taipa. W. (m.) Valley quail spreading wings as it alights. Tapa, to spread 
wings. 

Tamulkuyo. W. (f.) From the north. Tamalin, north. Undoubtedly an ani- 
mate or inanimate object was originally implied. Compare with Tcumetoki, 
dove coming from the south. 

Tetmo. L. (m.) Dog picking up scraps thrown out. Tetom, to pick up. 

Tiponya. L. (m.) Great horned owl sticking head under body and poking egg 
when it is hatching. Tipe, to poke. 

Tiwatuyak. W. (f.) Trading and buying beads. Tiwako, to trade. 

Tiwitita. W. (m.) Killdeer running on ground and calling. Tewititi, killdeer. 

Tolkatcu. L. (f.) Small ears of the bear. Tolko, ear in Southern Sierra dialect. 

Totokono. W. (m.) Sandhill crane. 

Tuiwii. L. (m.) Califor>iia jay hopping on ground. Tuiyaugum, to jump. 



152 University of Calif ornin Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12 

Tukeye. L. (f.) Pine cones dropping and making dust. Tukini, to throw end- 
wise. 

Tukiili. W. (m.) Caterpillar traveling hea<l first down tree in summer. Tukini, 
to throw endwise. 

Tumma. L. (m.) Beating drum. Tuma, drum. 

Tupi. W. (m.) Throwing salmon on to bank. Tupi, to pull up or out. 

Tutee. W. (m.) Small frog jumping. Tutneni, to squat. 

Tceweksu. L. (m.) Tree squirrel eating green pine cones. Tciwam, to chew. 

Tcintiye. L. (f.) Pressing or pounding hucleye nuts. Tciniwa, to squeeze. 

Teinwe. W. (m.) Squeezing intestines out of minnows. Tciniwa, to squeeze. 

Tcitepu. W. (m.) Shining of abalone shell. Tcitepu, to shine. 

Tcititi. L. (m.) Green like katydid. Tcitaku, green. 

Teumetokti. W. (m.) Dove coming from the south. Teumetc, south. 

Uhubita. W. (m.) Drinking water in the river. Uhu, to drink, in Southern 
and Northern Sierra dialects. 

Uhubitu. W. (m.) Ill-smelling stagnant n-ater. Uhu, to drink, in Southern and 
Northern Sierra dialects. 

Ukulnuye. L. (f.) Bear taking young into den. Uku, to enter. 

Ukunulumaiye. L. (f.) Bear going into den. Uku, to enter; emaiye, to visit. 

Utatci. L. (f.) Bear scratching itself. Utas, to scratch. 

Uzumati. W. (m.) Grizzly bear. A nickname applied on account of a dis- 
agreeable disposition. 

Wauna. W. (m.) Snow geese calling when flying. Woani, to bark; wou, to 
crow, to whine. 

Wialu. W. (m.) Dove going away. Wialum, to leave. 

Wootci. L. (m.) Coyote barking. Woani, to bark; wou, to wdiine, to crow. 

Woto. L. (m.) Coyote sitting on rock barking and moving tail. Woani, to 
bark; wou, to whine, to crow. 

Wunuti. W. (m.) Hunting-man. Wuntu, to hunt. 

Wiiksii. L. (m.) Sun going down. Wuksu, to go. 

Yotimi). L. (m.) Yellow -jacket carrying pieces of meat from house to nest. 
Yoote, to carry. 

Yotimo. L. (m.) Tellow-jaclet carrying pieces of meat from house to nest. 
Yoote, to carry. This man is the son of the above. 

Yottoko. W. (m.) Black mud at edge of water. Yottoko, dirty; yotok, earth 
or dirt in Plains Miwok. The individual was a negro. 

Yutkiye. L. (f.) Chicken hawk lifting ground squirrel off of the ground. 
Yiitki, to hang. 

Yuttciso. L. (f.) Lice thick on chicken hawk. Yutuk, to stick on. 

Yutne. W. (m.) Falcon making nest damp by defecating on it. Yutuk, to 
stick on. 

Yutu. W. (m.) Coyote making feint to seize bird. Yutme, to claw. 

The list which follows gives personal iiaiues as rendered into Eng- 
lish by the Indians, but the exact denotations of which are unknown 
to the writer : 

A 'a 'me. W. (f.) Dove cooing to young. 

Akunatala. W. (m.) Eetiring to attend to natural functions. 

Almase. W. (m.). 

Amayeta. L. (m.) Big mansanita berries. 



1916] Gifford: Miwol Moieties 153 

Anawuye. L. (m.) Stretching bear's hide to dry. 

Ape. W. (m.) Eating acorn mush with the fingers. 

Bakno. L. (m.) Missing people with arrows. 

Bosaiya. L. (f.) White down on head of young eagle. 

Ciisua. L. (m.) Hawl: (kilikila) catching small birds. 

Elsu. W. (m.) Falcon circling high in air. 

Esege. L. (f.) Bear showing teeth when cross. 

Eskeye. L. (m.) Farcw ell-to-spring seed cracked open on bush. 

Ewenteu. W. (m.) Deer eating brush. 

Hahiyo. W. (m.) Salmon keeping mouth open when in shallow water. 

Haikiwisu. W. (m.) Salmon opening and closing mouth after being taken from 

river. 
Haiyepugu. L. (m.) Bear becoming angry suddenly. 
Hatcaiya. W. (f.) Black clouds in streaks. 
Hehemuye. L. (f.) Bear out of breath from running. 
Hitcta. W. (m.). 
Hoho. L. (m.) Bear growling. 
Hoiyitcalu. L. (m.) Bear becoming angry. 
Hokoiyu. W. (m.) Falcon hiding extra food. 
Hotamuye. W. (f.) Man on rockpile watching for deer. 
Hotcakme. W. (m.) Spearing salmon. 
Huata. W. (f.) Carrying seeds in burden basket. 
Huatama. L. (f.) Mashing seeds in mortar. 
Hulutuye. W. (f.) Aialotie shell on necklace when dancing. 
Hulwema. L. (f.) Dead grizzly bear, killed by hunter. 
Hunui. W. (m.) Salmon fat. 
■ Huslu. L. (m.) Bear having lots of hair. 

Hustemeyak. W. (m.) Putting fresh-water snails (Physa) in bags. 
Hutamsi. W. (f.) Fish getting together in a bunch. 
Hute. L. (m.) Stars appearing which form handle of the Dipper. 
Hutcumi. L. (m.) Bear eating people. 
Huyube. W. (m.) White oak log lying on ground. 
Hiimiita. L. (f.) Gathering Indian tobacco (hutia) in sifting basket. 
Ilokuk. L. (f.) Softness of leaves of "wild potato" when cooking. 
Iskemu. W. (m.) Water running gently when creek dries. 
Istu. L. (m.) Sugar pine sugar. 
Itcimuye. L. (f.) Magpie eating grasshopper r. 
Kaliska. L. (m.) Coyote chasing deer. 

Kamata. W. (f.) Throwing gambling bones on ground in hand game. 
Kanatu. W. (m.) Making mashed seed into hard lump. 
Kaptinli. W. (m.) Breaking ice in the creek. 

Katcukteume. L. (m.) Bear lying down with paws folded, doing nothing. 
Ka'uwu. L. (m.) Acorn mush cooling and thickening in basket. 
Kauwiluye. W. (f.) Ice freezing on something. 
Kono. L. (m.) Tree squirrel biting through middle of pine-nut. 
Kulmuye. L. (f.) Bear eating young leaves just sprouting. 
Kulya. L. (m.) Sugar pine nuts burned black. 

Laapisak. L. (f.) Bear walking on one place making ground hard. 
Lanku. L. (m.) Said to be a Yokuts name. 
Lanu. L. (m.) People passing one another at the pota ceremony, when running 

around pole. 



154 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12 

La'uyu. L. (m.) Mashed farewcll-to-spring seed adhering to lips when eating. 
Leyati. W. (m.) Shape of ahaJone shell. 
Lii. W. (m.) Turtle poking head out of water. 
Liktuye. L. (f.) Bear licking something it has killed. 
Liluye. L. (f.) Chicken hawlc singing when soaring. 
Lise. W. (m.) Salmon's head just coming out of water. 
Litcitu. W. (m.) Salmon swimming in river. 
Loiyetu. L. (m.) Fareivcll-to-.'ipring in flower. 
Loiyetuye. L. (f.) Farewell-to-spring in flower. 
Lokni. W. (m.) Bain coming through small hole in roof. 
Luituye. L. (f.) Bear crippled from being shot. 
Lukulkatu. L. (m.) Making fox-skin quiver. 
Lupu. W. (f.) Iridescence of aialone shell. 
Lusela. L. (f.) Bear swinging its foot when licking it. 
Lutein. L. (m.) Goldfinch flying. 
Makuina. L. (m.) Bear hating people. 

Makuina. L. (m.) Knocking farewell-to-spring seed off bush with stick. 
Malataku. W. (m.) Clouds covering the sky. 
Malila. W. (m.) Salmon going fast up riffle. 
Malkuyu. W. (m.) Farewell-to-spring flowers drying. 
Matcinina. W. (m.) Salmon jumping falls and missing. 
Matcuta. L. (f.) Cracking and eating sugar pine nuts. 
Metikla. W. (m.) Eeaching hand under rocks to catch white sucler fish. 
Metikla. W. (m.) Putting on metal'ila (feather apron). 
Miltaiye. W. (f.) Water in waves. 
Misu. W. (m.) Rippling water. 

Moitoiye. W. (f.) Valley quail's topknot bobbing as bird walks. 
Molimo. L. (m.) Bear going into shade of trees. 
Momosu. L. (m.) Yellow- jackets piled up in nest in winter. 
Mosetuya. W. (m.) Dark -looking water on the ocean. 
Mu'ata. L. (m.) Little je?Lo«'-jflr'A:efs in the nest. 
Mukuye. W. (f.) Old trail of deer. 
Musonota. L. (f.) Magpie jumping on the ground. 
Musonotoma. W. (f. ) Coloring of valley quail. 

Mutckuye. L. (f.) Taking bow and arroivs from wall to go shooting. 
Miikii. W. (m.) Deer making trail when walking back and forth. 
Namino. L. (m.) Haick (kilikila) pulling at food, lifting its head as it docs. 
Naminu. W. (m.) Coyote feeling weak after eating salmon. 
Natcamila. W. (f.) Stirring acorn mush when cooking. 
Neplii. L. (m.) Bear eating a man. 
Newulo. W. (m.). 

Nikiti. W. (m.) Round and smooth like abalone shell. 
Nimo. W. (m.). 
Niwuye. L. (f.) Getting seed. 

Noini. L. (m.) Putting sonolu (feather head-ornament) on head. 
Nokonyu. L. (m.) Katydid's nose being close to its mouth. 
Noksu. L. (m.) Smell of chicken hawk's (suyu) nest. 

Nomasu. W. (m.) Giving away (handing to some one) seed. Another inform- 
ant said that nomasu was the name of a kind of seed. 
Oiyikoisiye. L. (f.) Getting salt at a place near Copperopolis. 
Onalik. W. (m.) Making bows out of cedar. 



1916] Giford: MiwoTc Moieties 155 

Onpuine. W. (f.) Coyote about to catch something. 

Osepa. W. (f.). 

Osmokse. L. (m.) Hawk (kilikila) eating dead birds. 

Osoi. W. (m.) Becoming angry. Undoubtedly this name originally had an 

implied reference to some animal, since forgotten. 
Panahatcu. L. (m.) Twisting and breaking open sugar pine cones. 
Papina. L. (m.) Vine growing on oak tree. 
Pasatu. L. (m.) Bear's big foot. 
Paseleno. W. (f.) Getting wild vetch. 
Patakasii. W. (m.) Small aitt biting a person hard. 
Patcuka. W. (m.). 

Peeluyak. L. (m.) Bear flapping ears when sitting down. 
Pele'nie. L. (m.) Coyote with head down passing person. 
Pelisu. W. (m.) Eating fish at river for lunch when on fishing expedition. 
Petno. W. (m.) Valley quail crouching in brush as hawk passes. 
Peusuye. W. (f.) Water spilling over. 

Pilitcyano. L. (m.) Jack rabbit putting ears back when lying down. 
Piltcitcma. W. (f.) Meadowlark singing. 
Pososu. L. (m.) Color of down of young great horned owl. 
Posululu. W. (f.) Frog puffed up when singing. 
Pota. L. (m.) One man running around pota ceremony pole. 
Potcu'e. W. (m.) Kicking football. Potce, to kick. 
Puitcitu. W. (m.). 

Pukuna. W. (f.) Deer jumping when running downhill. 
Pumsono. W. (m.) Sucker fish jumping out of water. 
Punoi. L. (m.) Tree squirrel jumping from pine to ground. 

Pusui. W. (m.) Turkey vulture putting rattlesnake to sleep by circling over it. 
Pusuwe. W. (m.) Cutting deer for skinning. 

Putepu. L. (m.) Chicken hawk (suyu) walking back and forth on limb. 
Putsume. L. (m.) Brushing ground around pole before pota ceremony. 
Putsume. L. (m.) Bear sitting on top of big rock with soles of feet turned 

forward, legs spi-ead. 
Sakasaiyu. L. (f.) Chicken hawk (suyu) making a rough nest with holes in it. 
Samtuye. W. (f.) Beaching for deer meat when some one is handing it around. 
Sanuye. L. (f.) Eed cloud coming with sundown. 
Sata. W. (m.) Throwing salmon out of water. 
Satuwii. L. (f.) Eubbing farewell-to-spring seed with rock after it has been 

soaked. 
Selibu. L. (f.) Falcon flying along edge of bluff. 
Selipu. L. (f.) Falcon darting down obliquely in the air. 
Seliimtci. L. (m.) Shooting arrow up in air. 
Semeke. L. (f.) Bear lying down looking at ground. 
Semuki. L. (m.) Bear looking cross when in its den during snow. 
Semuki. L. (f.) Wizard (tuyuku) with fingers bent to shoot "poison" at 

victim. 
Siitu. L. (m.) Magpie's head cut off. 
Sitala. W. (f.) Valley quail running uphill. 
Sitki. L. (m.) Putting arrow in quiver. 
Sitni. W. (m.) Drawing bow. 

Sitpu. L. (m.) Cracking bones of badger after it has been cooked. 
Situtu. W. (m.) Taking arrotv out of quiver. 



156 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12 

Situtuyu. L. (m.) Rimning hand down branch over basket and collecting herrieg 

that way. 
Siweno. L. (m.) Taking out bear's gall. 
Siwili. L. (m.) Long tail of fox dragging on ground. 
Sokawa. W. (m.) Taking eye out of dead deer, or taking hide off. 
Sokono. W. (m.) Wizard's "poison. " 
Solasu. L. (m.) Bear taking bark off tree. 
Soloni. AV. (m.) A place name in Mariposa County. 

Solotci. L. (m.) Jack rabbit sitting with ears up in the morning or evening. 
Soiieyu. L. (m.) Bear walking with its short tail hanging down. 
Sopatcu. L. (m.) Raven-feather sonolu (head ornament) shaking on head of 

dancer. 
Soso. L. (m.) I'ree squirrel biting small hole in pine nut. 
Su'aiye. L. (f.). 

Suki. L. (m.) Chicken liawk (suyu) having a long tail. 
Suk'kaa. L. (m.) Getting ahead of others in digging "wild potatoes." 
Sukukiye. L. (f.) Flat place near Rawhide. 
Sunumptca. L. (f.) Old and spoiled sugar pine nuts. 
Sutuluye. L. (f.) Bear making noise climbing tree. 
Ta'kawa. W. (m.) Mountain lion took his scalp off. 
Ta'kawa. L. (m.) White head of the bald eagle. 

Takena. W. (m.) Falcon swooping and knocking down prey with its wing. 
Taktekaiyu. W. (m.) Deer running on the hills. 
Takutcima. L. (f.) Husking seed with stick on fiat rock. 
Talalu. W. (m.) Big long flat rock. 
Tauateio. W. (m.) Coyote poor and thin. 

Talatu. L. (m.) Bear walking around tree, steps close together. 
Talepuye. W. (f.) Polishing abalone shell. 
Talulu. W. (m.) Falcon eating bird. 
Taukiyak. L. (m.) Two arrows crossed, held by two warriors standing on either 

side of trail guarding it with drawn bows. 
Tawitci. W. (m.) Turkey vulture defecating around nest. 
Telumi. L. (m.) Tree squirrel taking shell off of nut. 
Telumu. L. (f.) Pounding f arewell-to-spring seed in deep mortar. 
Tentpaiyu. W. (f.) A person feeling hungry while sitting beside one who 

mashes seeds. 
Tiimii. W. (m.) Black and yellow caterpillar coming out of ground. 
Tikmu. L. (m.) Tree squirrel digging in ground. 
Tikteu. W. (m.) Jacksnipe (?) digging " wild potatoes " (susa). 
Tijnita. W. (f.) Valley quail hiding young when some one passes. 
Titci. L. (f.) Bear making motion at every jump when running. 
Tiwintcu. W. (m.) Eilldeer flying and calling. 
Tiwolu. L. (m.) Chicken hawk (suyu) turning eggs with bill when they are 

hatching. 
Tokkoko. W. (m.) Burrowing owl coming out of hole and calling "tok kok." 

Apparently an onomatopoetic name. 
Tokoak. L. (f.) Refers to a place near Rawhide where the parents of the 

woman lived. 
Tokolasik. W. (f.) Black-oak acorns getting rotten in water, having been for- 
gotten. 
Toktokolu. L. (m.). 



1916] Gifford: MiivoTc Moieties 157 

Tolikna. W. (f.) Coyote's long ears flapping. 

Toloise. W. (m.) Deer lying down and looking up at some one coming. 

Toloisi. L. (f.) Chicken hawk tearing gopher snake with talons. 

Tololi. L. (m.) TUgging for "wild potato" (moa). 

Tolopoiyu. L. (m.) A big-leaved vine which grows on ground. 

Tolsowe. W. (m.) Deer standing, head up, ears erect, looking around. 

Tolsowe. W. (m.) Deer's ears erect when it is looking around. 

Tonolu. L. (ni.) Spotting on California jay. 

Tuenu. W. (m.) Turkey vulture lighting on rock or tree. 

Tuikuye. W. (f.) TFis'arfZ killing person with "poison. " 

Tuketii. L. (m.) Bear, making dust when running. 

Tukubi. W. (m.) Tukutucu bird singing. 

Tulanu. L. (m.) Two or three bears taking food from one another. 

Tulmisuye. L. (f.) Bear walking slowly and gently. 

Tumakaiyu. L. (ni.) Bear remaining stubbornly in hole when people try to get 

it out. 
Tumptca. L. (m.) Smoking Indian tobacco (hutia). 
Tunaa. W. (m.) Salmon's intestines pulling out like string. 
Tunaa. W. (m.) Spotting on sununu fish (catfish?). 
Tuuelu. L. (m.) Hawk (kilikila) roosting on top of a pine tree. 
Tusimi. W. (m.) Wizard's "poison" hurting victim. 
Tusuwe. W. (m.) Poking deer's stomach with stick, while it is cooking with 

meat and blood inside of it, to see if it is done. 
Tutaiyati. L. (m.) California jay "cackling" when singing. 
Tuwume. L. (f.) Arroiv sticking in pota ceremony pole. 
Tiilemuyak. L. (m.) Morning star rising. 

Tiinii. W. (m.) Deer thinking about going to eat "wild onions." 
Tiisiiku. W. (m.) Easy breaking of shell nose-stick. 
Tcaksepuye. L. (f.) Getting light in the morning (dawn). 
Tcanatcimu. L. (f.) Tree squirrel " singing." 
Tcanutuye. W. (f.) Valley quail scattering as they fly. 
Tcasibu. L. (m.) Sun hurting eyes. 

Tcatipii. W. (f.) Deer's antlers hitting brush when deer is running. 
Tcawitcu. L. (m.). 
Tcilawi. W. (m.) One getting ahead of others in gathering farewell-to-spring 

seed. Another informant gave the connotation of this name as "cutting 

salmon in strips. ' ' 
Tcilikna. L. (m.) A certain species of small hawk flying. 
Tciplitcu. L. (m.). 

Tcipuyu. W. (f.) Tying up salmon in willow branches before cooking. 
Tcistu. L. (m.) A iiight bird calling "tcik! tcik! " 
Tcitatpo. L. (m.) Creeper (akantoto) going down tree. 
Tciwela. W. (m.) Sides of falcon's nest covered with excrement. 
Tciwu. W. (m.) Valley quail defecating as it flies. 
Tciyino. W. (m.). 

Tcoileka. W. (f.) Water standing in one place. 
Tcokotca. W. (m.) Big cocoon on tree. 
Tcotcka. W. (m.) Sound of water in creek. 

Tcuimukse. W. (m.) Big blaclc bee, with yellow spots, gathering pollen. 
Tcuke. L. (m.) Throwing seed on roof of ceremonial house after catching 

young of hawk (ititu), so that people will not become sick. 



Uptuye. 


W 


• (f.) 


Usepyu. 


L. 


(m.) 


Uskuye. 


L. 


(f.) 


Utnepa. 


L. 


(m.) 


Utunya. 


L. 


(f.) 


prey. 






Ututse. 


L. 


(m.) 


Ulemsii. 


L. 


(m.) 



158 Uiiivcrsiti/ of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12 

Ttnikiteko. W. (f.) Deer'.s iutestiues. 

Teukpaiye. L. (f.) Piling up stems of farewelJ-to-spring. 

Tcuktoko. W. (m.) People arriving on time to eat deer meat. 

Tcukululuye. L. (f.) Bear niaking so much noise when walking that it friglitens 

other creatures. 
Tculu. L. (m.) Cooking acorns in ashes. 

Tcumaanuye. L. (f.) Crushing manzanita berries in mortar. 
Teumela. L. (f.) Bears dancing in the hills. 
Teumutuya. L. (f.) Bear catching salmon with paws in riffle. 
Tcutcubi. L. (m.) Sun hurting eyes as it comes up over a hill. 
Tcuttoko. W. (m.) Lumps around base of deer's antler. 
Umlutuya. L. (m.) Soaking seed in water on arrival home after collecting. 
Umuye. L. (f.) Damp ground. 

Piling up hucleye nuts for cooking. 

Bear eating something it finds dead. 

Cracking sugar inne nuts. 

Bear rolling rock with foot when pursuing something. 

Falcon, with feathers of neck ruffled up, dashing down for 

Tasting salt after it has been boiled down in hole in rock. 
Bear sleeping in hole. 

AVaketnu. L. (m.) Indians shouting as they draw bows when fighting. 

Wasekuye. W. (f.) Fragments of acorns being scattered by pestle. 

Wasilu. L. (m.) Putting on a quail-crest ear-plug. 

Wasilu. W. (f.) Putting on a quail-crest ear-plug. 

Wassusme. L. (f.) Bear standing on hind feet scratching tree. 

Wenitu. L. (m.) Mixing different kinds of seeds in same basket when gath- 
ering them. 

Wenutu. L. (m.) Sky clearing after being cloudy. 

Wilanu. L. (m.) Pouring water on acorn flour in leaching place. 

Wilu. L. (m.) Chiclien hawk (suyu) calling "wi. " 

Wiluye. L. (f.) Eagle singing when flying. 

Wininu. L. (m.) Falcon circling in air. 

Wipupamu. L. (f.) Tearing people to pieces with mouth. This name may 
originally have had an implied reference to some animal, more than likely 
the bear. 

Wittcuna. L. (m.) Falcon pulling feathers off quail. 

Wopemit. L. (m.) Bear bearing down a siuall tree when climbing it. 

Wuyi. W. (m.) Turkey vulture soaring. 

Yaluta. L. (f.) Women out on flat telling one another there is lots of farewell- 
to-spring seed. 

Yanapaiyak. W. (m.) Little clouds passing by sun and making small shadows. 

Yatcalu. W. (m.) Deer's antlers spreading wide. 

Yeleyu. L. (m.) Going at night, walking in the dark. Perhaps this name orig- 
inally had an implied reference to some animal which habitually traveled at 
night. 

Yelutci. L. (f.) Bear traveling among rocks and brush without making noise. 

Yenatcu. L. (f.) Little acorn just beginning to grow on tree. 

Yenene. W. (m.) Wizard pressing with fingers on a sleeping person to "poison" 
him. 

Yewetca. L. (f.) Bear wasting away at death. 



1916] Giford: Mkcol- Moieties 159 

Yokoa. L. (m.) Bad man killing every one. 

Yoskolo. L. (m.) Breaking off a piece of acorn. 

Yoskolo. L. (m.) Breaking off sugar pine cones. 

Yukukukuye. W. (f.) Noise made by dove with wings when flying. Another 

informant gave the meaning of this name as "the sound made by a rolling 

stone. ' ' 
Yulestu. L. (m.) HatcTc (kilikila) calling as it alights. 
Yutteiie. W. (m.) Seeds getting wet owing to a leaky roof. 

In sixteen instances I obtained more than one name for an indi- 
vidnal. This was due in some cases to conflicting testimony as to the 
real name ; in other cases the additional name was a nickname. A 
comparison of the meanings of real names and nicknames shows no 
special rule in the assigning of the latter. Sometimes the object 
mentioned or implied in the nickname is the same as in the real name ; 
for example, the name Akaino and the nickname Huslu both refer to 
the bear. At other times the objects implied are different ; for ex- 
ample, the name Lutein refers to the goldfinch, while the nickname 
Wasilu refers to the quail-crest ear-plug. Some nicknames are ap- 
plied on account of personal peculiarities ; for example, the real name 
of one of my informants was Molestu, a name which referred to a 
magic stone connected with deer hunting, while among his nicknames 
were Sumtciwe and Sumutcupti, which were more or less derisive 
names referring to his unusuall}^ full beard. Other nicknames such 
as Tiktcu and Kaptinii are probably derived from Dick and Captain, 
the English names applied respectively to the two people in question. 
Typical connotations were obtained for these two nicknames, however, 
the first referring to a bird (probably the jacksnipe), the second to ice. 
The real names of the individuals who bore these two nicknames were 
Hunui, meaning "salmon fat," and Luyu, meaning "dove shaking 
head sideways." Still other nicknames refer to events in the person's 
life. A man named Mosetuya, "dark-looking water on the ocean," 
bore the nickname Ta'kawa, "mountain lion took his scalp off," be- 
cause of his adventure with a mountain lion. 

None of the nicknames obtained apply to women. In the following 
table the first column contains the individual's correct name so far as 
ascertainable. The second column contains another name alleged to 
be the real name, but which I have discarded as unlikely. The pres- 
ence of this column is due to conflicting testimony. The third column 
contains nicknames. In parentheses, following each name, is men- 
tioned the object referred to in the meaning of the name given in the 
preceding lists. 



160 



University of CaJiforiiia Puhlications in Am. Arch, and Etlin. [Vol. 12 



Real name 
Akaino (bear) 
Bakno (arrow) 
Elki (bear) 
Eneto (bear) 
Himui (salmon) 
Lutein (goldfinch) 
Luyu (dove) 
Luyiinu (bear) 
Molestu (deer) 



Mosetuya (water) 

Sapata (bear) 

Sitni (bow) 

Totokono (sandhill crane) 

Tciyino 

Ukulnuye (bear) 

Yuttefie (seed) 



Alleged name 



Ukunnunu (bear) 



Wialu (dove) 



Pasatu (bear) 
Puta (salmon) 
Oya (jacksnipe?) 
Nimo 

Semeke (bear) 
Tanatcio (coyote) 



Nickname 
Hiislu (bear) 
Yokoa (bad man) 
Tulanu (bear) 

Tiktcu (jacksnipe?) 
Wasilu (quail-crest earplug) 
Kaptinii (ice) 
Tumptca (tobacco) 
Iskemu (water) 
Sunitciwe (whiskers) 
Sumutcupti (whiskers) 
Ta'kawa (mountain lion) 



Akunatala 



The objects mentioned or implied in the personal names presented 
on pages 148 to 159 are listed below in three tabulations. The first 
two show the objects and phenomena mentioned or implied in water 
moiety names and in land moiety names, respectively. The third table 
lists objects common to the moieties. The figures indicate the number 
of names which have reference to the objects listed. 

WATER MOIETY 



Abalone 6 

Acorn 3 

Ant 1 

Beads 1 

Black bee 1 

Bow, arrow, quiver 3 

Buckeye 1 

Burrowing owl 1 

Caterpillar 2 

Cloud 3 

Cocoon 1 

Coyote 6 

Deer 23 

Dove 6 

Elderberry 1 

Falcon 6 

Farevvell-to-spring 3 

Fish 5 

Fog 1 

Football 1 

Frog 3 

Gambling bones 1 

Hawk 1 

Hummingbird 2 

Hunting man 1 

Ice 2 

Jacksnipe (?) 3 

Jimson weed 1 

Killdeer 2 

Lake 1 

Lightning 1 

Meadowlark 1 



Metakila (feather apron) 1 

Minnow 1 

Mountain lion 1 

Mud 1 

Oak-leaf gall-nut 1 

Physa (fresh-water snail) 2 

Place name 1 

Rain 2 

Quail-crest ear-plug 1 

Rock 3 

Salamander 1 

Salmon 21 

Sand 1 

Sandhill crane 1 

Seashell 1 

Seed 7 

Shell nose-stick 2 

Snow goose 1 

Sucker fish 3 

Sununu fish 1 

Tukutucu bird 1 

Turkey vulture 4 

Turtle" 2 

Valley quail 9 

Vetch 1 

Water 10 

Whiskers 2 

"White oak 1 

"Wild cabbage" 1 

"Wild potato" 2 

Wizard 4 



1916] 



Gifford: MiwoJc Moieties 



161 



LAND MOIETY 



Acorn 8 

Animal 1 

Bad man 1 

Badger 1 

Bear 69 

Berries 1 

Bow, arrow, quiver 9 

Buckeye 1 

California jay 4 

Chicken hawk 10 

Chieftainess 1 

Cloud 1 

Coyote 4 

Creeper 1 

Dawn 1 

Dog 3 

Drum 1 

Eagle 3 

Falcon 6 

Farewell-to-spring 12 

Fire 1 

Fox 3 

Goldfinch 1 

Great horned owl 3 

Ground 1 

Hawk - 9 

Jack rabbit 2 



Katydid 2 

Lizard 1 

Magpie 3 

Manzanita 2 

Night 1 

Night bird 1 

Pine nuts 2 

Place name 2 

Pota ceremony 4 

Quail-crest ear-plug 1 

Salt 2 

Seed 7 

Sky 1 

Sonolu (feather head-ornament) .... 2 

Stars 2 

Sugar pine 8 

Sun 5 

Sunny day 1 

Tobacco 2 

Tule 1 

Tree squirrel 8 

Vine 2 

' ' Wild potato ' ' 4 

Wizard 1 

Wood 1 

Yellow-jacket - 6 



OBJECTS COMMON TO THE MOIETIES 



Occurrences 

A 

Object Water Land 

Acorn 3 8 

Bow, arrow, quiver 3 9 

Buckeye 1 1 

Cloud 3 1 

Coyote 6 4 

Falcon 6 6 

Farewell-to-spring 3 12 



Occurrences 



Object Water Land 

Hawk 1 9 

Place name 1 2 

Quail-crest ear-plug 1 1 

Seed 7 7 

' ' Wild potato ' ' 2 4 

Wizard - 4 1 



Marrlvges 

Ninety-nine marriages were recorded among the Central Sierra 
Miwok, thirty-two of these being from Big Creek alone. In the fol- 
lowing table proper marriages, that is, between individuals of different 
moieties, are indicated by W-L ; improper marriages, that is, between 
individuals of the same moiety, are indicated by W-W for the water 
moiety and L-L for the land moiety. 

Percentage Percentage 

of proper of improper 

W-L WW L-L marriages marriages 

Village at Big Creek 26 5 1 81 19 

Central Sierra Miwok, except Big Creek 

people 48 1 18 72 28 

Central Sierra Miwok in general 74 6 19 75 25 

The figures for Big Creek include marriages of such individuals whose names 

and meanings of names were not obtained. The figures for the Central Sierra 
Miwok exclusive of Big Creek do not include these. 



162 



Vniversity of California Pi(bUcations in Am. Arch, and Eflin. [Vol. 12 



Id the above table it is to be noted that Big Creek has a lower 
percentage of improper marriages than the remainder of the Central 
Sierra Miwok region. Cross-eousin marriage which occurred there 
gave a wider choice of mates in the proper moiety by not restricting 
choice to non-relatives and distant relatives. This perhaps tended to 
keep down the number of improper (endogamous as to moiety) mar- 
riages. 

The two following tables list, in alphabetical order of husbands' 
names, all of the Miwok marriages of which record has been obtained. 



BIG GREEK MARRIAGES 



Husband 


Moiety 


Named after 


Wife 


Moiety 


Named after 


Efieto 


L 


Bear 


Miltaiye 


w 


Water 


Hautcu 


W 


Salmon 


Putbana 


w 


Fish 


Hauteu 


W 


Salmon 


Utatci 


L 


Bear 


Litcitu 


W 


Salmon 


Maiyefio 


L 


Chieftainess 


Liwanu 


L 


Bear 


Tolikna 


W 


Coyote 


Luyimu 


L 


Bear 


Kauwiluye 


W 


Ice 


Molimo 


L 


Bear 


Bosaiya 


L 


Eagle 


Nomasu 


W 


Seed 


Tulmisnye 


L 


Bear 


Nomasu 


W 


Seed 


Wiluye 


L 


Eagle 


Notcitcto 


W 


Coyote 


Putkuse 


L 


Acorn 


Omusa 


L 


Arrow 


Posululu 


W 


Frog 


Patakasii 


W 


Ant 


Yewetca 


L 


Bear 


Pelisii 


W 


Fish 


Liluye 


L 


Chicken hawk 


Sapata 


L 


Bear 


Atee 


W 


Salmon 


Sapata 


L 


Bear 


Pilekuye 


W 


Shell nose-stick 


Talalu 


W 


Ro(^k 


Niwuye 


L 


Seed 


Timaa 


w 


Salmon 


Simutuye 


L 


Tree squirrel 


Tiisiiku 


w 


Shell nose-stick 


Etumiiye 


L 


Bear 


Tcilawi 


w 


Salmon (also seed) 


Umuye 


L 


Ground 


Wuyi 


w 


Turkey vulture 


Titci" 


L 


Bear 


Yottoko 


w 


Mud 


Ukunulumaiye L 


Bear 


Yuttene 


w 


Seed 


Teauateimu 


L 


Tree squirrel 




MARRIAGES, EXCLUSIVE OF BIG CREEK 


Husbi'.nd 


Moiety 


Named after 


Wife 


Moiet> 


' Named after 


Eskeye 


L 


Farewell-to-spring 


Mateumpaiye L 


Farewell-to-spring 


Eskeye 


L 


Farewell-to-spring 


Sumteiwe 


L 


Sugar pine 


Hatawa 


L 


Bear 


Piltcitema 


W 


Meadowlark 


Hatawa 


L 


Bear 


Sumteiwe 


L 


Sugar pine 


Haikiwisu 


W 


Salmon 


Semuki 


L 


Wizard 


Hiinipte 


L 


Seed 


Polneye 


W 


Dove 


Kilikila 


L 


Hawk 


Huatania 


L 


Seed 


Kono 


L 


Tree squirrel 


Natcamila 


W 


Acorn 


Kukse 


W 


Valley quail 


Hesutuye 


L 


Yellow-jacket 


Kutcuyak 


L 


Bear 


Musonotoma W 


Valley quail 


Litaiia 


W 


Hummingbird 


Laapisak 


L 


Bear 


Lnkiilkatu 


L 


Fox- 


Mukuye 


W 


Deer 


Lukulkatu 


L 


Fox 


Oivikoisive 


L 


Salt 


Lutein 


L 


Goldfinch 


Tiputa 


W 


Valley quail 


Liitcmu 


W 


Salmon 


Hiimiita 


L 


Tolmcco 


Malila 


W 


Salmon 


Tcumutuye 


L 


Bear 


Malkuyu 


w 


Farewell-to-spring 


Itcimuye 


L 


Magpie 


Metikla 


w 


Sucker fish 


Selipu 


L 


Falcon 


Molestu 


w 


Deer 


Uskuye 


L 


Sugar pine 



1916] 



Gifford: Miicolc Moieties 



16? 



Husband 


Moiety 


Named after 


Wife Moiety 


Named after 


Mulya 


L 


Acorn 


Yaluta 


L 


Farewell-to-spring 


Mulya 


L 


Acorn 


Yukukukuye 


W 


Dove 


Miikii 


W 


Deer 


Tcumela 


L 


Bear 


Neplii 


L 


Bear 


Kusetuye 


W 


' ' Wild potato ' ' 


Pati 


W 


Fish 


Tiputa 


W 


Valley quail 


Patiwo 


W 


Deer 


Yuttciso 


L 


Chicken hawk 


Pele 'me 


L 


Coyote 


Posala 


L 


Farewell-to-spring 


Pososu 


L 


Great horned owl 


Loiyetuye 


L 


Farewell-to-spring 


POPOSU 


L 


Great horned owl 


Yaluta 


L 


Farewell-to-spring 


Potou 'e 


W 


Football 


Hisokuye 


L 


Bear 


Punoi 


L 


Tree squirrel 


Liptuye 


L 


Pine nuts 


Putsume 


L 


Bear 


Pukuna 


W 


Deer 


Sipatu 


L 


Fox 


Pukuna 


W 


Deer 


Sitni 


W 


Bow 


Sapata 


L 


Bear 


Sitni 


W 


Bow 


Toloisi 


L 


Chicken hawk 


Sitni 


W 


Bow 


Yuttciso 


L 


Chicken hawk 


Situtu 


W 


Arrow, quiv^er 


Sewati 


L 


Bear 


Sokono 


W 


Wizard 


Matcuta 


L 


Pine nuts 


Solotci 


L 


Jackrabbit 


Epeta 


L 


Lizard 


Soso 


L 


Tree squirrel 


Wasekuye 


W 


Acorn 


Suki 


L 


Chicken hawk 


Tcipuyu 


W 


Salmon 


Sukumi 


L 


Great horned owl 


Talepuye 


W 


Abalone 


Siikumi 


L 


Great horned owl 


Wasilu 


W 


Quail-crest ear-plug 


Suletu 


L 


California jay 


Tcaksepuye 


L 


Dawn 


Takena 


W 


Hawk 


Kututcanati 


L 


Bear 


Talatu 


L 


Bear 


Huata 


W 


Seed 


Tawitei 


W 


Turkey vulture 


Kututcanati 


L 


Bear 


Tawitci 


W 


Turkey vulture 


Satuwii 


L 


Farewell-to-spring 


Telunii 


L 


Tree squirrel 


Paseleno 


W 


Vetch 


Tikmu 


L 


Tree squirrel 


Samtuye 


W 


Deer 


Tikmu 


L 


Tree squirrel 


Tuikuye 


W 


Wizard 


Tolsowe 


W 


Deer 


Ukulnuve 


L 


Bear 


Tumnia 


L 


Drum 


Pikatco' 


L 


Acorn 


Tunaa 


W 


Sununu fish 


Selibu 


L 


Falcon 


Tunaa 


W 


Sununu fish 


Utunya 


L 


Falcon 


Tcilikna 


L 


Hawk 


Tcukpaive 


L 


Farewell-to-spring 


Teititi 


L 


Katydid 


Heteltci" 


L 


Pota ceremony 


Teuimiikse 


W 


Black bee 


Tuwume 


L 


Arrow 


Tcuteubi 


L 


Sun 


Hateya 


L 


Bear 


Umlutuya 


L 


Seed 


Sukukiye 


L 


Place name 


Wenitu 


L 


Seed 


Musonota 


L 


Magpie 


Wininu 


L 


Falcon 


Lupu 


W 


Abalone 


Wininii 


L 


Falcon 


Yukukukuye 


W 


Dove 


Wittcima 


L 


Falcon 


Putceyu 


W 


Deer 


Wootci 


L 


Covote 


Yukukukuye 


W 


Dove 


Wiiksii 


L 


Sun 


Lupu 


W 


Abalone 


Yotimo 


L 


Yellow-jacket 


Samtuye 


W 


Deer 



A berdache, Muliya, who was named after farewell-to-spring and 
belonged to the land moiety, was "married" to Taktekaiyu, a water 
moiety man named after deer. It seems possible that the exogamic 
rules regulated berdache ' ' marriages. ' ' However, this is the only such 
union recorded, and the evidence is therefore insufficient. Berdaches 
were not infrequent. Out of five mentioned among Jamestown and 
Knights Ferry people, Muliya is the only one whose name was ob- 
tained. He and Taktekaiyu lived together at Tcakatcino, near James- 
town. 



164 



Vniversity of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12 



In the three following tables are summarized all of the regular 
marriages of three groups of people — those with deer, salmon, and 
bear names. These three groups of names are the commonest among 
the Central Sierra Miwok. The absence of any rule in the choice of 
mates, other than moiety exogamy, is apparent. That is to say, for 
example, men with bear names did not regularly marry women who 
were named after one particular animal. So long as the women were 
of the proper moiety it did not matter what they were named after. 
Certain marriages occur in more than one table ; for example, a deer- 
bear marriage would appear under both deer and bear. Irregular or 
endogamic marriages are excluded. 



People with 
deer names 


Married to 


Number of 
occurrences 


Man 


Sugar pine 


1 


Man 


Bear 


2 


Man 


Chicken hawk 


1 


Woman 


Fox 


2 


Woman 


Bear 


1 


Woman 


Tree squirrel 


1 


Woman 


Falcon 


1 


Woman 


Yellow-jacket 


1 


People with 
salmon names 


Married to 


Number of 
occurrences 


Man 


Bear 


2 


Man 


Chieftainess 


1 


Man 


Ground 


1 


Man 


Tree squirrel 


1 


Man 


Fish 


1 


Man 


Wizard 


1 


Man 


Tobacco 


1 


Woman 


Bear 


1 


Woman 


Chicken hawk 


1 


People with 




Number of 


bear names 


Married to 


occurrences 


Man 


Water 


1 


Man 


Coyote 


1 


Man 


lee 


1 


Man 


Salmon 


1 


Man 


Shell nose-stick 


1 


Man 


Meadowlark 


1 


Man 


Valley quail 


1 


Man 


Deer 


1 


Man 


Seed 


1 


Man 


' ' Wild potato ' ' 


1 


Woman 


Salmon 


2 


Woman 


Seed 


1 


Woman 


Ant 


1 



1916] Giford: Miwok Moieties 165 



People with 




Number of 


bear names 


Married to 


occurrences 


Woman 


Shell nose-stick 


1 


Woman 


Turkey vulture 


2 


Woman 


Mud 


1 


Woman 


Hummingbird 


1 


Woman 


Deer 


2 


Woman 


Bow, arrow, quiver 2 


Woman 


Hawk 


1 


Woman 


Football 


1 



Genealogies 

In the genealogical information obtained there are forty-eight male 
lines of descent. Some of these are rather long, covering four or five 
generations. Others consist merely of two generations — a man and 
his offspring. Of these lines of descent only nine show complete trans- 
mission of the eponym of the paternal ancestor to the descendants. 
In other words, less than one-fifth of the Central Sierra Miwok families 
named all their children after the eponym of the father or other male 
ancestor of the group. Plainly, there is no rule of transmission of the 
eponym of the male ancestor, and consequently no widespread belief 
in descent from the eponymous animal. 

If we take the forty-eight lines of descent and break them up into 

smaller groups, consisting in each case of father and child, we get the 

following results: 

Number of cases 132 

Percentage of children with eponym of father 41 

Percentage of children without eponym of father 59 

Considered from the standpoint of moieties, the following results 
as to transmittal of eponyms are obtained : 

WATEE MOIETY 

Number of lines of descent 22 

Eponym of paternal ancestor transmitted throughout in 14% 

Eponym of paternal ancestor not transmitted throughout in 86% 

Number of pairs consisting of father and child 61 

Percentage of children with eponym of father 28 

Percentage of children without eponym of father 72 

LAND MOIETY 

Number of lines of descent 26 

Eponym of paternal ancestor transmitted throughout in 23% 

Eponym of paternal ancestor not transmitted throughout in 77% 

Number of pairs consisting of father and child 71 

Percentage of children with eponym of father 52 

Percentage of children without eponym of father 48 

Obviously the results based on the pairs of individuals, consisting 
of male parent and offspring, give the more accurate data as to the 
tendencies of the moieties in the matter of names. Judging, therefore, 



166 Viiii-ersity of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Etiui. [Vol. 12 

by percentages, it appears that the tendency of the water moiety as a 
whole was to ignore the eponyin of the paternal ancestor ; while the 
land moiety as a whole was about evenly divided on the question. It 
is possible, of course, that these tendencies are only local or temporary. 
Disregarding moieties and putting the data on the basis of Big 
Creek people and Central Sierra Miwok exclusive of Big Creek people, 
it is found that the latter are the more zealous in the transmittal of 
eponyms, although in both groups they are transmitted in less than 
half of the cases : 

BIG CREEK 

Number of pairs consisting of father and child 54 

Percentage of children with ejionym of father 33 

Percentage of children without eponym of father 67 

EXCLUSIVE OF BIG CREEK 

Number of pairs consisting of father and child : 78 

Percentage of children with eponym of father 46 

Percentage of children without eponym of father 54 

Going still further and considering moiety as well as locality, the 
curious result shown in percentages in the following table is reached : 

Big Creek Exchisive of Big Creek 

Water Land Water Land 

Transmitted 9 71 50 44 

Not transmitted 91 29 50 56 

It appears that the Big Creek people of the water moiety were 
remarkably careless about the transmission of the paternal eponym, 
while their fellow-villagers of the land moiety were the reverse. Upon 
consulting the figures for people, exclusive of Big Creek, it is found 
that conditions are very different, about half of the eponyms being 
transmitted in each moiety. Perhaps the difference in results for the 
two areas is due to lack of sufficient data from Big Creek. 

The lines of descent on which the previous discussion is based are 
listed below. Sex is indicated by (m.) for male, (f.) for female. The 
word following each name is that of the object mentioned in the con- 
notation or denotation of the name. 

WATER MOIETY— BIG CREEK 

Oualik, bow, arrow, quiver, father of Katuye, water (m.). 

Wuyi, turkey vulture, father of Notcitcto, coyote (m.), of Yutu, coyote (ni.), 
and of Wunuti, hunting-man (m.). Yutu, father of Hatcaiya, cloud (f.). 
Wunuti, father of Tciyifio (m.). Teiyino, father of Tiimii, caterpillar (m.) and 
of Lii, turtle (m.). 

Tcotcka, water, father of Tolikna, coyote (f.) and of Feusuye, water (f.). 

Mosetuya, water, father of Totokono, sandhill crane (m.). Totokono, father 
of Sawa, rock (m.), of Hunui, salmon (m.), and of Yuttene, seed (m.). Yutteile, 
father of Onpume, coyote (f.). 



1916] Gifford: Miwoh Moieties 167 

Tunaa, salmou, father of Miltaiye, water (f.), of Talalu, rock (m.), and of 
Nomasu, seed (m.). Talalu, father of Putbana, fish (f.) Nomasu, father of 
Tukubi, tukutucu bird (m.), of Kusetu, "wild potato" (f.), of Tcilawi, seed 
(ni.), of Hupaiye, "wild cabbage" (f.), of Tcanutuye, valley quail (f.), of 
Hutamsi, fish (f.), of Hopoto, frog (m.), of Pilekuye, shell nose-stick (f.), and 
of Pelisu, fish (m.). Pelisu, father of Atce, salmon (f.). 

Tiisiiku, shell nose-stick, father of Otu, seashells (m.), and of Hautcu, salmon 
(m.). Hautcu, father of Kolenya, fish (f.), and of Litcitu, salmon (m.). 

Soloni, place name, father of Kauwiluye, ice (f.), of Posululu, frog (f.), and 
of Newulo (m.). 

Tcotcka, water, father of Osepa (f.) and of Almase (m.). 

WATER MOIETY— EXCLUSIVE OF BIG CREEK 

Luyu, dove, father of Osoi (m.), and of Yukukukuye, dove (f.). 

Tusimi, wizard, father of Tuikuye, wizard (f.), and of Sokono, wizard (m.). 

Ewentcu, deer, grandfather of Tcatipii, deer (f.). 

Tcuktoko, deer, father of Hotamuye, deer (f.), of Mukuye, deer (f.), and of 
Miikii, deer (m.). Miikii, father of Tolsowe, deer (m.), of Samtuye, deer (f.), 
and of Patiwo, deer (m.). Patiwo, father of Yatcalu, deer (m.). 

Hahiyo, salmon, father of Liitcmii, salmon (m.) and of Yanajaaiyak, cloud (m.). 

Sitni, bow, arrow, quiver, father of Kukse, quail (m.). 

Leyati, abalone, father of Musonotoma, valley quail (f.). 

Situtu, bow, arrow, quiver, father of Nikiti, abalone (m.), of Lupu, abalone 
(f.), and of Hulutuye, abalone (f.). 

Metikla, sucker fish, father of Pootci, salmou (f.). 

Tolsowe, deer, father of Tiinii, deer (m.), and of Putceyu, deer (f.). 

Miile, quail, father of Uptuye, buckeye (f.). 

Takeiia, falcon, father of Talulu, falcon (m.) and of Tutce, frog (m.). 

Malkuyu, farewell-to-spring, father of Elsu, falcon (m.), of Tciwela, falcon 
(m.), of Hokoiyu, falcon (m.), and of Yutne, falcon (m.). 

Potcu'e, football, father of Ape, acorn (m.). 

LAND MOIETY— EXCLUSIVE OF BIG CREEK 

Luyunu, bear, father of Sutuluye, bear (f.), and of Tcanatcimu, tree squir- 
rel (f.). 

Tutaiyati, California jay, father of Luituye, bear (f.), of Lusela, bear (f.), 
and of Liwanu, bear (m.). Liwanu, father of Katcuktcume, bear (m.). 

Hoho, bear, father of Solasu, bear (m.), and of Eueto, bear (m.). Solasu, 
father of Sanuye, cloud (f.). Eiieto, father of Liktuye, bear (f.) and of Sapata, 
bear (m.). Sapata, father of Anawuye, bear (m.), of Kulmuye, bear (f.), of 
Molimo, bear (m.), of Wopemii, bear (m.), of Wassusme, bear (f.), of Hehe- 
muye, bear (f.), of Moemu, bear (ni.), of Hoiyitcalu, bear (m.), and of Etumu, 
bear (m.). 

Peeluyak, bear, father of Niwuye, seed (f.). 

LAND MOIETY, EXCLUSIVE OF BIG CREEK 

Noksu, chicken hawk, father of Tiwolu, chicken hawk (m.). 
Sitki, bow, arrow, quiver, father of Mutckuye, bow, arrow, quiver (f.), of 
Waketnu, bow, arrow, quiver (m.), and of He'eluye, bow, arrow, quiver (f.). 
Tumma, drum, father of Makuina, seed (m.). 



168 University of California PubUcatio)is in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. IL' 

Semuki, bear, father of Takutcinia, seed (f.)- 

Tceweksu, tree squirrel, father of Tikmu, tree squirrel (m.), of Telumi, tree 
squirrel (m.), and of Hiimiita, tobacco (f.). 

Sukuini, great horned owl, father of Wootci, coyote (m.), of Pososu, great 
horned owl (m.), of Tiponya, great horned owl (m.), and of Yelutci, bear (f.). 

Etu, sun, father of Akulu, sun (m.), and of Mulya, acorn (m.). Mulya, 
father of Suletuye, falcon (f.). 

Tiilemuyak, star, father of Tcaksepuye, dawn (f.). 

Talatu, bear, father of Wiiksii, sun (ni.). Wiiksii, father of Siitu, magpie 
(m.), and of Teasibu, sun (m.). 

Putepu, chicken hawk, father of Toloisi, chicken hawk (f.). 

Eskeye, farewell-to-spring, father of Yaluta, farewell-to-spring (f.). 

Punoi, tree squirrel, father of Matcuta, sugar pine (f.), and of Wittcuna, 
falcon (m.). Wittcuna, father of Tetmo, dog (m.). 

Putsume, bear, father of Liiiugse, tule (m.). 

Pele'me, coyote, father of Ukulnuye, bear (f.), and of Posala, farewell-to- 
spring (f.). 

Umhituya, seed, father of Loiyetu, farewell-to-spring (m.), of Loiyetuye, 
farewell-to-spring (f.), and of La'uyu, farewell-to-spring (m.). 

Neplii, bear, father of Esege, bear (f.) and of Tcukululuye, bear (f.). 

Hunipte, seed, father of Wenitu, seed (m.), of Muliya, farewell-to-spring 
(m.), and of Tcukpaiye, farewell-to-spring (f.). 

Tcilikna, hawk, father of Hute, star (m.). 

Soso, tree squirrel, father of Telumu, farewell-to-spring (f.), and of Tcuma- 
anuye, manzanita (f.). 

Ciisua, hawk, father of Osmokse, hawk (m.), of Kilikila, hawk (m.), of 
Sakati, hawk (m.), of Tuiielu, hawk (m.), of Yulestu, hawk (m.), and of Namino, 
hawk (m.). Kilikila, father of Tcutcubi, sun (m.). 

Papina, vine, father of Yoskolo, sugar pine (m.), of Sunumptca, sugar pine 
(f.), and of Kulya, sugar pine (ni.). 

Suki, chicken hawk father of Wilu, chicken hawk (m.). 

Of value as indicating the relationship of many individuals not 
listed in the above lines of descent is a list of brothers and sisters. 
Where the implied eponym is the same in each name in a group no 
positive evidence is offered as to the transmission of the eponym of 
the father. Where the eponym in each name in a group is different 
it is obvious that the eponym of the father has not been transmitted 
throughout to the offspring. Of the thirty-four groups of brothers 
and sisters nine have similar eponyms, while twenty-five have dis- 
similar. 

Hunipte, seed (ni.) ; Unilutuya, seed (m.). 

Pati, fish (m.); Metikla, sucker fish (m.). 

Etu, sun (m.); Tculu, acorn (m.) ; Sitpu, badger (m.). 

Taipa, valley quail (m.) ; Situtu, bow, arrow, quiver (m.). 

Kutcuyak, bear (m.); Tuniakaiyu, bear (m.); Suletu, California jay (m.). 

Liptcu, salmon (m.); Putsume, pota ceremony (m.). 



1916] Giford: Miwok Moieties 169 

Tiwitita, killdeer (m.) ; Piltcitema, meadowlark (f.). 

Tolopoiyu, vine (m.); Sitki, bow, arrow, quiver (m.). 

Metikla, metakila (m.) ; Kolotomu, oak-leaf gall-nut (f.) ; Tunaa, suuunu 
fish (m.). 

Epeta, lizard (f.); Pususu, dog (m.) ; Kuyuuu, dog (m.). 

Tcitepu, abalone (m.) ; Wiskala, sand (m.). 

Wasilu, quail-crest ear-plug (f.) ; Moitoiye, valley quail (f.); Sitala, valley 
quail (f.). 

Sapata, bear (f.); Hateya, bear (f.). 

Awanata, turtle (m.) ; Sitni, bow, arrow, quiver (m.). 

Istu, sugar pine (m.); Ilokuk, "wild potato" (f.). 

Sipatu, fox (m.); Lukulkatu, fox (m.). 

Tcuktoko, deer (m.); Pukuna, deer (f.). 

Tupi, salmon (m.); Hahiyo, salmon (m.). 

Tolsowe, deer (m.) ; Pateuka (m.); Tusuwe, deer (m.). 

Hustemeyak, Physa or fresh-water snail (m.); Lutaiyet, Physa or fresh-water 
snail (f.). 

Yoskolo, acorn (m.); Septuye, fire (f.). 

Polaiyu, lake (m.); Paseleno, vetch (f.). 

Mosetuya, water (m.); Tunaa, salmon (m.). 

Soloni, place name (m.) ; Teoileka, water (f.). 

Simutuye, tree squirrel (f.); Peeluyak, bear (m.). 

Tutaiyati, California jay (m.) ; Wiluye, eagle (f.); Tulmisuye, bear (f.). 

Situtuyu, berries (m.); Putsume, bear (f.). 

Bosaiya, eagle (f.); Akaino, bear (m.) ; Tolkatcu, bear (f.); Maiyeiio, chief- 
tainess (f.). 

Misu, water (m.); Tentpaiyu, seed (f.). 

Tcuttoko, deer (m.); Pukuna, deer (f.). 

Kono, tree squirrel (m.); Soso, tree squirrel (m.). 

Tcintiye, buckeye (f.) ; Tukeye, pine nuts (f.). 

Takefia, hawk (m.); Malkuyu, farewell-to-spring (m.), 

Suki, chicken hawk (m.) ; Sakasaiyu, chicken hawk (f.). 

The following six short genealogies are inserted in the paper as 
an aid to the discussion of the Miwok terms of relationship, and also 
for the purpose of demonstrating the existence of cross-cousin marriage 
(see p. 189). As heretofore, m. means male, f. female, W. water moiety, 
L. land moiety. Generation B in genealogy I coincides approximately 
in time with generation B in the other genealogies; the same is true 
with the other generations, all having the same letter being approxi- 
mately the same in age. In addition to the letters after each name 
indicating sex and moiety, there are inserted, in cases where names 
occur more than once in the genealogies, Roman numerals and letters 
referring to the genealogy and generation in which the name is to be 
again found; for example, (IIC) placed after a name means that it is 
to be found also in genealogy II, generation C. 



170 Vniversity of CaUfornia PuhliratioitN in Am. Arch, and EtJnt. [Vol. 12 



TERMS OF RELATIONSHIP 

Exclusive of the terms eseln, child ; hikime, child in cradle ; and 
luwasa, foster-child, thirty-four terms of relationship are employed by 
the majority of the Central Sierra Miwok. The people in the vicinity 
of Big Creek employ only thirty-three terms, as their term ate 
(younger brother or younger sister) takes the place of the two terms 
tcale and kole used for these two relationships elsewhere. In this the 
Big Creek people correspond with some of the Southern Sierra Miwok 
and with the Plains Miwok, but not with the Northern Sierra Miwok, 
who, like the majority of the Central people, use the two terms tcale 
and kole. One of the striking features of the Central Sierra Miwok 
terms of relationship is the disregard of generation. Of the thirty- 
four terms, twenty-one apply to two or more relationships which are 
in different generations. 

The following table presents an analysis of the typical Central 
Sierra Miwok terms on the basis of the categories used by Dr. A. L. 
Kroeber in his paper on " Classificatory Systems of Relationship."^^ 
His eighth category, the condition of the connecting relative, has been 
omitted, as it is not operative in Miwok terms. Dr. Kroeber used 
twenty-four Miwok terms in his comparative table, while I am using 
thirty-four. The changes in figures, especially for the category ' ' Gen- 
eration, ' ' which expresses ' ' the difference between persons of the same 
and separate generations," are due to the larger amount of data now 
at hand. As remarked above, these data have shown that, considering 
the full use of each term, more than one generation is represented in 
nearly two-thirds of the terms. The crosses in the following table 
mean that the category named at the head of the column is operative 
tlirougliout all tlie applications of the term opposite which it is placed. 
The sex of the relative, and whether the relationship is one of blood or 
marriage, are the two categories most frequently expressed, the former 
in twenty-eight of the thirty-four terms, the latter in twenty-six. No 
term expresses over five categories ; the average term expresses three. 
Considered as to moiety, it is found that of the twenty-nine terms 
used by a man twelve apply to relatives belonging only to his moiety, 
nine to relatives of the opposite moiety only, and eight to relatives 
who may belong to either moiety. Belonging to the man's moiety only 
are his afisi, ene, haiyi, kole, kumatsa, moe, pinuksa, tatci, tete, tune. 



11 Journ. Eoy. Antlir. Inst., xxxix, 78-79, 1909. 



Genera' 



1. Mosetuya (n^ 
:2. . . . (f) 



3. . . . (mW) 
:4. . . . (f) 1 



5. Tunaa (mW 
i6. Simutuye (fl 



Generation , 

! 

75. . . . (mL) 
:76. ... (f) — 



r=77. . . . (f) — 



Generation B 

1 Mosetuya (mW) 
-.2.. ■ ■ ('> 



3 . . • (mW) 
(0 — 



=4. . 



5. Tunaa (mW) (IIB) 
=6. Simutuye (fL) (IIB)- 



C: 



Generation C 

Totokono (mW) 
. . . (O 



Q 



9. Luyu (mW) 
10. . . . (f) 



11. Nomasu (mW) (JVC, VC) 
:12. Wiluye (fL) (IVC) 



:13. Tulmisuye (fL) (JVC) 
:14. Su'ai.ve (fL) 



= 15. . . . (fW) (VC)- 



16. Talalu (mW) (IIC) 
= 17. Niwuye (fL) (IIC)- 



u 



18. Miltaiye (fW) (IIIC) 

19. Eneto (mL) (IIIC) — 



GENEALOGY I 
Generation D 

20. Sawa (mW) 

21. Yuttene (mW) 

= 22. Tcanatciinu (fL)- 
_23. Hunui (mW) 



24. Osoi (m\V) 

25. Yukukukuye (fW) 

= 26. A white man 

= 27. Wootci (mL) 



28. Mulya (mL) — 

= 2 9. Wininu (mL) 

"30. Tukubi (mW) 

31. Kusetu (fW) 

32. Pelisu (mW) 
_33. Liluye (fL) — 



34. Tcilawi (mW) 
= 35. Umuye (fL) 

36. Hupaiye (fW) 
^7. Tcanutuye (fW) 

"38. Hopoto (mW) 



39. Pileku.ve (fW) 
:40. Sapata (mL) — 



41. Hutamsi (fW) (VE) 

= 42. Tciyino (mW) 

=43. Tommy Bill (mL) (VE) 

"~44. Putbana (fW) (IID) 

=45. Hautcu (mW) (IID) — 



46. Liktuye (fL) 
40. Sapata (mL) (ID) 
=47. Atce (fW) (IE) 
= 39. Pilekuye (fW) (ID)- 



Genkration E 

C48. Onpume (fW) 
49. Puitcitu (mW) 



50. Sapata (fL) 

= 51. Sitni (mW) 

52. Hateya (fL) 

= 5 3. Tcutcubi (mL) 



Obnkkation P 



C72. Kukse (mW) 
73. Hesutuye<fL) 



_54. Suletuye (fL) 



47. Atce (fW) (ID) 
= 40. Sapata (mL) (ID) 

55. . . . (fW) 
= 5 6. . . . (m),anegro- 



_74. Jerry Moore (mL) 



57. Anawuye (raL) 

58. Kulmuye (fL) 

59. Molimi) (mL) (HID) 
= 60. Bosaiya (fL) (HID) 

61. Wopemii (mL) 

62. Wassusme (fL) 

63. Hehemuye (fL) 

64. Moemu (mL) 

65. Hoiyitcalu (mL) 

66. Etumu (mL) 

C67. Tiimu (mW) 
68. Lii (mW) 

69. Kolenya (fW) (HE) 

70. Litcitu (mW) (HE, HID) 
= 71. Maiyefio (fL) (HE. HID) 



I The issue of this marriage are 57-59, 61-66 



Genkration A 

75. . . . (mL) 
=76. . . . (f) 



-77. ... (f). 



Generation B 

78. Peeluyak (mL) 
= 79. . . . (f) 



6. Simutuye (fL) (IB) 
= 5. Tunaa (mW) (IB)— 

"To. . . . (fL) 

= 81. . . . (mW) 



GENEALOGY II 

Generation C 

Niwuye (fL) (IC) 
Talalu (mW) (IC) 



£ 



Generation D Generation E 

the results of this marriage see genealogy I 



the results of this marriage see genealogy I 



82. Tusuku (mW) 
= 83. Etumuye(fL)- 



84. Otu (mW) 
45. Hautcu (mW) (ID) 
=44. Putbana (fW) (ID)- 

= 85. Utatci (fL) (VID) 



69. Kolenya (fW) (IE) 

70. Litcitu (mW) (IE, HID) 
:71. Maiyefio' (fL) (IE, HID) 



Generation A 



86. . . . (f) 
;87. . . . (mW)- 



. (mW) 



Generation B 

90. Hoho (mL) (IIIB) 
89. . . . (fW) (IIIB)- 



100. 
:101. 



(mL) 
. (fW) 



GENEALOGY III 



Generation B 

"89. . . . (fW) (IVB) 
:90. Hoho (mL) (IVB)- 



Generation C 

~9. Eneto (mL) (IC) 
= 18. Miltaiye (fW) (IC)- 
93. Solasu (mL) 



Generation D 

[fo^ the results of this marriage 
— I se e genealogj- I 



= 9 4. Collateral si.ster of 11 (fW) — | 97 . Sanuye (fL) 



S 



91. . 

92. . 



(fW) 
.(mL)- 



95. Toktokolu (mL) 
:96. Hatcaiya (fW) — 



102. Tutaiyati (mL) 
= 103. . . . (fW) 



104. Luituye (fL) 

105. Lusela (fL) 

= 106. A white man — 

107. Liwanu (mL) 

= 108. Tolikna (fW) - 



12. Wiluye (fL) (IC) 

= 11. Nomasu (mW) (ID)- 

13. Tulmisuye (fL) (IC) 
= 11. Nomasu (mW) (IC) - 



60. Bosaiya (fL) (IE) 
= 59. Molimi) (mL) (IE) 

71. Maiycno (fL) (IE, HE) 
= 70. Litcitu (mW) (IE, HE) 

98. Tolkatcu (fL) 

99. Akaino (mL) 



GENEALOGY IV 
Generation C Generation D Generation E 

I For the results of this marriage see genealogy III 



109 . Lise (mW) 

110. Katcuktcume (mL) 



For the results of these marriages see genealogy I. 



Generation C 

15. . . . (fW) (IC) 

11. Nomasu (mW) (IC)- 



111. 
:112. 



(fW) 
. (mW)- 



IPor 

Cna. Ti 
114. W 



GENEALOGY V 
Generation D Generation E 

the results of this marriage see genealogy I 



Tiwatuyak (fW) 
Whiskey Bill (mL)- 



43. Tommy Bill (mL) (ID) 
r41. Hutamsi (fW) (ID) 



GENEALOGY VI 



Generation C 

115. Tcoileka (fW) 

116. Soloni (mW) 
:117. . . . (f) 



Generation D 

TlS. Kauwiluye (fW) 
= 119. Luyunu (mL) 

120. Posululu (fW) 
= 121. Omusa (mL) 

122. Newulo (mW) 
= 85. Utatci (fL) (IID) 



LOG 



1916] 



Gifford: Miwok Moieties 



171 



Blood or Lineal or 



Term 


Generation i 


rnarri; 


Ama 




X 


Anisij 






Ansi 






Apasti 




X 


Atce 




X 


Ene 


X 


X 


Haiyeme 


X 


X 


Haiyi 


X 


X 


Hewasu 
Kaka 


X 


X 
X 


Kawu 




X 


Kole 






Kolina 




X 


Kumatsa 




X 


Liipuha 




X 


Maksi 




X 


Manisa 


X 


X 


Moe 


X 


X 


Naiia 


X 


X 


Oiyame 


X 


X 


Olo 




X 


Osa 


X 


X 


Paiisa 


X 


X 


Papa 




X 


Pinuksa 




X 


Tatci 






Tete 






Toniu 


X 




Tune 






Tcale 






Upsa 




X 


Upvi 


X 


X 


Uta 


X 


X 


Wokli 




X 


Terms* 


13 


26 



6 



Sex of 

Sex of connecting Sex of Age in 

relative relative speaker generation 

X 

X 

X 

XXX 



28 



15 



Number of terms in which each category is expressed. 



tcale, and iipii, belonging to the opposite moiety only are his anisli, 
kaka, lupuba, manisa, oiyame, osa, tomu, iipsa, and iita ; belonging to 
both moieties are his ama, atce, hewasu, kawu, maksi, olo, papa, and 
wokli. With a woman the distribution differs. She uses thirty terms 
to the man's twenty-nine. Fourteen she applies to relatives who be- 
long only to her moiety ; seven to relatives of the opposite moiety ; and 
nine to relatives who may belong to either moiety according to cir- 
cumstances. In the first category belong her ene, haiyeme, haiyi, kole, 
kumatsa, manisa, oiyame, pansa, pinuksa, tatci, tete, tcale, iipsa, and 
iipli ; in the second category belong her aiisi, anisli, kaka, naiia, tomu, 
tune, and iita ; and in the third category belong her ama, apasti, atce, 
hewasu, kawu, kolina, maksi, olo, and papa. 

The terms of relationship with their principal applications are 
given below, together with any remarks that seem pertinent. The lists 



172 University of CaUfor)tia PubUcations in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12 

of meanings are incomplete in most cases, but are supplemented a few 
pages beyond by additional meanings derived directly from the gene- 
alogies. Unless otherwise stated the terms older and younger in the 
following lists mean older or younger than the speaker. At times the 
diminutive suffix -tci or -ktci is added for very young brothers, sisters, 
nieces, or nephews, as in tcalektci (baby younger brother), kolektci 
(baby younger sister), iipsatci (baby nephew). 

Ama.^- Grandmother, grandmother's sister, grandfather's sister, great grand- 
mother. The reciprocal of this term is atce. 

Ami. Mother's older sister, father's brother's wife if she is older than mother, 
mother's earlier co-wife. This term is the Big Creek equivalent of the 
more generally used term toniu. The reciprocals are aiisi and tune. 

Anisil. Mother's younger sister, father's brother's wife (younger than mother), 
mother's brother's daughter (one of a person's two female cross-cousins), 
mother's brother's son's daughter (one of a person's female cross first 
cousins once removed), stepmother, mother's later co-wife. The recip- 
rocals of this term are ansi and tune. 

Ansi. Son, man's brother's son, woman's sister's son, woman's father's sister's 
son (one of her two male cross-cousins), man's father's brother's son's 
son, woman's paternal grandfather's sister's son (one of her male cross 
first cousins once removed), husband's brother's son, wife's sister's son, 
co-wife's son, stepson. The reciprocals of this term are ami or tomu, 
anisii, haiyi, Upii, and lita, in other words, father and mother, and poten- 
tial stepfathers and stepmothers. 

Apasti. Husband's brother, husband's grandfather. The reciprocal of this term 
is olo in its meanings brother's wife and grandson's wife. 

Atce. Grandchild, man's sister's grandchild, woman's brother's grandchild, 
great grandchild. The reciprocals of this term are ama and papa. 

Ate. Younger brother, younger sister, father's brother's younger children, 
mother's sister's younger children, younger stepbrother, younger step- 
sister. This term is the Big Creek equivalent of the more generally used 
terms kole and tcale. The reciprocals of this term are tatci and tete. 

Ene. Father's sister, father's father's brother's daughter. The reciprocal of 
this term is iipsa in its meanings woman's brother's child and woman's 
father's brother's son's child. 

Eselu. Child, man's brother's child, woman's sister's child. 

Eaiyeme. Later co-wife, husband's brother's wife. The reciprocal of haiyeme 
in the first meaning is pansa, in the second haiyeme. In this last respect, 
that is, being its own reciprocal, the term haiyeme parallels moe and 
maksi, and pinuksa in part. 

Haiyi. Mother's sister's husband, stepfather (providing he is not father's 
brother when iipii is used). Nowadays there is a tendency to apply the 
term haiyi to father's brother; this, however, is a modern innovation 
probably due to contact with the whites, for the ancient term for father's 
brother is iipii. The reciprocals of this term are aiisi and tune. 



12 In the San Miguel dialect of Salinan this term is used for father's parents. 
See J. Alden Mason, The Ethnology of the Salinan Indians, Univ. Calif. Publ. 
Am. Arch. Ethn., x, 170, 1912. 



1916] Gifford: MiwoTc Moieties 173 

Hetvasu. Parent-in-law, husband's father's brother, husband's mother's sister, 
wife's father's brother, wife's mother's sister, man's brother's wife's 
parents, woman 's sister 's husband 's parents. The reciprocals of this 
term are manisa and oiyame. 

Kaka. Mother's brother, mother's brother's son (one of a person's two male 
cross-cousins, and in the light of Miwok cross-cousin marriage a man 's 
potential brother-in-law). The reciprocals of this term are iipsa and 
lupuba. 

Kawu. Sister's husband, father's sister's husband, woman's brother's daughter's 
husband, granddaughter's husband. The reciprocal of this term is wokli. 

Kole. Younger sister, father's brother's younger daughter, mother's sister's 
younger daughter, younger half sister, female cross-cousin's (anisii) 
younger daughter if not speaker 's daughter also, younger stepsister, 
younger foster sister. The reciprocals of this term are tatci and tete. 
At Big Creek ate is used in place of this term. 

Kolina. Husband's sister, husband's father's sister, husband's grandmother. 
The reciprocal of this term is olo. 

Kumatsa. Mother's brother's wife, man's sister's son's wife (a man's own 
daughter in case of Miwok cross-cousin marriage). The reciprocal of 
this term is pinuksa in its meanings husband's mother's brother and 
husband's sister's child. Two Jamestown informants gave manisa, with 
the meaning husband's sister's son, as a reciprocal of kumatsa. This of 
course would indicate cross-cousin marriage. Five other informants, 
however, gave pinuksa as the proper term for this relationship. 

Liqmba. Man's sister's daughter, man's father's sister's daughter (one of a 
man's two female cross-cousins). The reciprocal of this term is kaka. 

MahsiA^ Son's or daughter's spouse's parents, son's wife's brother, daughter's 
husband 's sister, man 's sister 's husband 's parents, woman 's brother 's wife 's 
parents. The reciprocal of this term is maksi; it is paralleled in this 
regard by moe and in part by haiyeme and pinuksa. 

Manisa. Son-in-law, man's brother's daughter's husband, woman's sister's 
daughter 's husband, daughter 's husband 's brother. The reciprocal of this 
term is hewasu. 

Moe. Wife's sister's husband. This term is the reciprocal of itself, in this 
respect being paralleled by maksi and in part by haiyeme and pinuksa. 

Nana. Husband. The reciprocal of this term is osa. 

Oiyame. Daughter-in-law, man's brother's son's wife, woman's sister's son's 
wife, son 's wife 's sister. The reciprocal of this term is hewasu. 

Olo. Brother's wife, woman's brother's son's wife, grandson's wife. The 
reciprocals of this term are apasti and kolina. 

Osa. Wife. The reciprocal of this term is nana. 

Pansa. Earlier co-wife. The reciprocal of this term is haiyeme in its meaning 
later co-wife. 

Papa. Grandfather, grandmother's brother, great grandfather. The reciprocal 
of this term is atce. 

Pinuksa. Husband's mother's brother (a woman's own father in case of Miwok 
cross-cousin marriage), husband's sister's child, man's sister's daughter's 
husband, wife's mother's brother. In its first two meanings the recip- 
rocal of this term is kumatsa; the second two meanings are the recip- 
rocals of each other. 



13 Cf. Yokuts makci, A. L. Kroeber, The Yokuts Language of South Central 
California, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn., ii, 240, 1907. 



174 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Etiui. [Vol. 12 

Tatci. Older brother, father's brother's older son, mother's sister's older son, 
older half brother, female cross-cousin's (anisii) older son, older step- 
brother, older foster-brother. The reciprocals of this term are tcale and 
kole, which are included in the one term ate at Big Creek. 

Tete. Older sister, father's brother's older daughter, mother's sister's older 
daughter, older half sister, female cross-cousin 's (anisii) older daughter, 
older stepsister, older foster sister. The reciprocals of this term are 
kole and tcale, which are included in the one term ate at Big Creek. 

Tomu. Mother's older sister, father's brother's wife (older than mother), 
mother's earlier co-wife. The reciprocals of this term are ansi and tune. 
At Big Creek the term tomu is replaced by the term ami. 

Tune. Daughter, man 's brother 's daughter, woman 's sister 's daughter, woman 's 
father's sister's daughter (one of a woman's two female cross-cousins, 
and in the light of Miwok cross-cousin marriage her potential sister-in- 
law), man's father's brother's son's daughter, husband's brother's daughter, 
wife 's sister 's daughter, co-wife 's daughter, stepdaughter. The recip- 
rocals of this term are ami or tomu, anisii, haiyi, iipii, and iita; in other 
words, father and mother, and potential stepfathers and stepmothers. 

Tcale. Younger brother, father 's brother 's younger son, mother 's sister 's younger 
son, younger half brother, female cross-cousin's (anisii) younger son if 
not speaker 's son also, younger stepbrother, younger foster brother. At 
Big Creek ate is used in place of this term. The reciprocals of this term 
are tatci and tete. 

tjpsa. Man's sister's son, woman's brother's child, man's father's sister's son 
(one of a man's two male cross-cousins), woman's father's brother's 
son 's child. The reciprocals of this term are kaka and ene. 

tJpiL Father, father's brother, father's father's brother's son. The reciprocals 
of this term are aiisi and tune. There is a modern tendency to use the 
term haiyi for father 's brother. Although iipii is the vocative form for 
father's brother, he is sometimes distinguished otherwise by the addition 
of the words tuni (yoimger) or upela (older), and is then spoken of as 
younger father or older father. If father has only two brothers and he 
himself is either the oldest or the youngest, the one intermediate in age 
is spoken of as middle father, the word kauwina (middle) being added. 

tjta. Mother. The reciprocals of this term are afisi and tune. 

WoMi. Wife's brother, wife's sister, wife's brother's child, wife's father's 
sister, wife's grandparents. The reciprocal of this term is kawu. 

A demonstration of the use of the preceding terms of relationship 
is given below. Mrs. Sophie Thompson (39. Pileknye) and her daugh- 
ter, Mrs. Lena Cox (58. Kulmnye), gave me the status, so far as they 
were concerned, of ninety-one other inhabitants of Big Creek known 
to them. Of these seventy-nine stand in some relation, either blood 
or marriage, to the two informants. The list of Big Creek inhabitants 
by no means exhausts the people whom the informants reckoned as 
relatives. A few of their many relatives who lived elsewhere are also 
included in the list given below. 



1916] Gifford: Miwok Moieties 175 

For the sake of brevity in the following list I have used the number 
assigned to each individual in the genealogies, in place of the indi- 
vidual's name. Where any special remarks have been considered neces- 
sary they have been inserted. The terms applied by each individual 
to the two informants are not given below, but they can be derived 
readily enough by looking up in the preceding list the reciprocal of 
the term applied to the individual by the informant. 

I. Papa (father's father's brother) to 39; papa (mother's father's father's 
brother) to 58. 

5. Papa (father's father) to 39; papa (mother's father's father) to 58. 

6. Ama (father's mother) to 39; ama (mother's father's mother) to 58. 

7. tipii (father's father's brother's son) to 39; papa (mother's father's 
father's brother's son) to 58. 

9. Same as last. 

II. tipii (father) to 39; papa (mother's father) to 58. 

12. Ami (mother's earlier co-wife) to 39; ama (mother's mother's earlier 
co-wife and father's father's father's brother's daughter) to 58. 

13. Same as last. 

14. Same as last. 

16. tipii (father's brother) to 39; papa (mother's father's brother) to 58. 

17. Ami (father's brother's wife older than mother) and ama (father's 
mother's brother's daughter) to 39; ama (mother's father's brother's wife and 
mother's father's mother's brother's daughter) to 58. 

18. Ene (father's sister) and hewasu (mother-in-law) to 39; ama (mother's 
father's sister and father's mother) to 58. 

19. Kawu (father's sister's husband) and hewasu (father-in-law) to 39; 
papa (father's father) to 58. 

20. Tatci (father's father's brother's son's older son) to 39; kaka (mother's 
father's father's brother's son's son) to 58. 

21. Same as last. 

22. Olo (father's father's brother's son's son's wife) to 39; no relation to 
58. 39 first said that 22 was no relation; then on second thought gave the 
above. 58 had ceased to think of 22 as a relative at all, although 22 stands in 
the relation of kumatsa (mother's father's father's brother's son's son's wife) 
to 58. 

23. Same as 20. 

24. Same as 20. 

25. Tete (father's father's brother's son's older daughter) to 39; ami 
(mother's father's father's brother's son's daughter older than mother) to 58. 

27. Kawu (father's father's brother's son's daughter's husband) to 39; 
haiyi (mother's father's father's brother's son's daughter's husband) to 58. 

28. Same as 27. 

29. Same as 27. 

30. Tatci (older half brother) to 39; kaka (mother's half brother) to 58. 

31. Tete (older half sister) to 39; ami (mother's older half sister) to 58. 

32. Same as 30. 

33. Olo (half brother's wife) to 39; kumatsa (mother's half brother's wife) 
to 58. 



176 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12 

34. Same as 30. 

35. Same as 33. 

36. Same as 31. 

37. Same as 31. 

38. Tatci (older brother) to 39; kaka (mother's brother) to 58. 

40. Ansi (father's sister's son) and nana (husband) to 39; iipii (father) 
to 58. If 40 were not the husband of 39 and the father of 58, he would stand in 
the relation of tatci (mother's father's sister's son) to 58. Hence it might be 
said that 58 is both the daughter (tune) and younger sister (ate) of 40, a 
paradox which is the product of cross-cousin marriage and a system of relation- 
ship which does not fit that form of marriage. 

41. Ate (younger sister) to 39; anisii (mother's younger sister) to 58. 

42. Kawu (sister's husband) to 39; haiyi (mother's sister's husband) to 58. 

43. Ansi (mother's sister's daughter's son) and kawu (sister's husband) to 
39; haiyi (mother's sister's husband) to 58. 43 must also stand in the relation 
of tatci (mother's mother's sister's daughter's son) to 58, although the in- 
formant did not state this to be so. 58 regarded 43 rather as an uncle (haiyi) 
than as a brother (tatci). 

44. Ate (father's brother's younger daughter) to 39; anisii (mother's father's 
brother's daughter younger than mother) to 58. 

45. The informants stated that this man was no relation. Nevertheless to 
39 he stands in the relation of kawu (father's brother's daughter's husband) 
and to 58 he stands in the relation of haiyi (mother's father's brother's daugh- 
ter's husband). It is quite possible that the informants made a mistake in the 
case of this man, although, on the other hand, they may not have thought of 
him as related to them even by marriage. As a matter of fact, 39 and 58 have 
an ancestor in common with 45; this ancestor is 75. The blood relationship to 
39 would be that of father 's mother 's half sister 's son 's son. Compare 82, 83, 84. 

46. Tune (father's sister's daughter) and kolina (husband's sister) to 39; 
ene (father's sister) to 58. 

47. Upsa (half brother's daughter) and pansa (earlier co-wife) to 39; anisii 
(mother 's half brother 's daughter) and ami (mother 's earlier co-wife) to 58. 
Pilekuye (39) stated that she drove Atce (47) out of her husband's house after 
she (Pilekuye) became co-wife, a statement which sheds light on the probable 
condition in many polygynous Miwok households. 

48. t'psa (father's father's brother's son's son's daughter) to 39; anisii 
(mother's father's father's brother's son's son's daughter) to 58. 

49. Kawu (father's father's brother's son's son's daughter's husband) to 
39; haiyi (mother's father's father's brother's son's son's daughter's husband) 
to 58. 

50. Tune (father's father's brother's son's daughter's daughter) to 39; 
tete (mother's father's father's brother's son's daughter's older daughter) to 58. 

51. tjpsa to 39, which relationship was not traced out owing to lack of time. 
By marriage to 50, however, 51 became manisa (father's father's brother's 
son's daughter's daughter's husband) to 39 and kawu (mother's father's 
brother's son's daughter's daughter's husband) to 58. 

52. Same as 50. 

53. Same as 51 by marriage. 

54. Same as 50. 

57. Ansi (son) to 39; tatci (older brother) to 58. 
59. Ansi (son) to 39; ate (younger brother) to 58. 



1916] Gifford: Miwoh Moieties 177 

60. Kolina (husband's father's mother's half sister's son's daughter) and 
oiyame (daughter-in-law) to 39; ene (father's father's mother's half sister's 
son's daughter) and olo (brother's wife) to 58. 

61. Same as 59. 

62. Tune (daughter) to 39; ate (younger sister) to 58. 

63. Same as 62. 

64. Same as 59. 

65. Same as 59. 

66. Same as 59. 

67. Ansi (sister's son) to 39; tatei (mother's sister's older son) to 58. 

68. Same as 67. 

69. Tune (father's brother's daughter's daughter) to 39; tete (mother's 
father's brother's daughter's older daughter) to 58. 

70. Ansi (father's brother's daughter's son) to 39; ate (mother's father's 
brother's daughter's younger son) to 58. 

71. Kolina (husband's father's mother's half sister's son's daughter) and 
oiyame (son's wife's sister and father's brother's daughter's son's wife) to 
39; ene (father's father's mother's half sister's son's daughter) and olo (mother's 
father's brother's daughter's son's wife and brother's wife's sister) to 58. 

72. Atee (father's father's brother's son's daughter's daughter's son) to 
39; aiisi (mother's father's father's brother's son's daughter's daughter's son) 
to 58. 

73. Olo (father's father's brother's son's daughter's daughter's son's wife) 
to 39; oiyame (mother's father's father's brother's son's daughter's daughter's 
son's wife) to 58. 

74. Atce (half brother's daughter's son) to 39; ate mother's half brother's 
daughter's son) to 58. 

78. Papa (father's mother's brother) to 39; papa (mother's father's mother's 
brother) to 58. 

82. The informants stated that this man was not related to them, meaning 
undoubtedly that they did not normally think of him as a relative. He actually 
stands in the relation of iipii (father's mother's half sister's son) to 39. The 
informants did not treat 83, 84, 45, or 85 as related to themselves through 82. 
83, 84, and 45 were considered non-relatives. 

85. Olo to 39; kumatsa to 58. For the facts bearing on this questionable 
relation see the remarks following 114. 

90. Apasti (husband's father's father) to 39; papa (father's father's father) 
to 58. 

93. Kawu (father's collateral sister 'si* husband) and hewasu (husband's 
father's brother) to 39; papa (father's father's brother) to 58. 

95. Maksi (son's father-in-law) and hewasu (husband's father's mother's 
half sister's son) to 39; maksi (brother's father-in-law) and papa (father's 
father's mother's half sister's son) to 58. 

96. Maksi (son's mother-in-law) to 39; maksi (brother's mother-in-law) and 
ama (father's father's mother's half sister's son's wife) to 58. 

97. Tune (father's collateral sister's daughter) and kolina (husband's father's 
brother's daughter) to 39; ene (father's father's brother's daughter) to 58. 

98. Kolina (husband's father's mother's half sister's son's daughter) and 
oiyame (son's wife's sister) to 39; ene father's father's mother's half sister's 
son's daughter) and olo (brother's wife's sister) to 58. 

1* Collateral sister is the daughter of father's brother or mother's sister, its 
other words, an identical cousin. 



178 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12 

99. Apasti (husband's father's mother's half sister's son's son) and maksi 
(son's wife's brother) to 39; iipii (father's father's mother 's half sister's son's 
son) to 58. 

102. Hewasu (husband's father's father's brother's son) to 39; papa (father's 
father's father's brother's son) to 58. 

104. Kolina (husband's father's father's brother's son's daughter) and 
anisii (mother's co-wife's brother's daughter) to 39; ene (father's father's 
father's brother's son's daughter) to 58. 

105. Same as last. 

107. Apasti (husband's father's father's brother's son's son) and kaka 
(mother's co- wife's brother's son) to 39; iipii (father's father's father's brother's 
son 's son) to 58. 

108. Said by informants not to be regarded as a relative. Nevertheless 
108 stood in the relation of haiyeme (husband's father's father's brother's 
son's son's wife) and kumatsa (mother's co-wife's brother's son's wife) to 39, 
and in the relation of either ami or anisii (father's father's father's brother's 
son 's son 's wife) to 58. 

109. Ate (mother's co-wife's brother's daughter's son) to 39; kaka (mother's 
mother's co-wife's brother's daughter's son) to 58. 

110. Aiisi (husband's father's father's brother's son's son's son) and kaka 
(mother's co-wife's brother's son's son) to 39; ate (father's father's father's 
brother's son's son's son) to 58. 

113. Ate (mother's sister's younger daughter) to 39; anisii (mother's mother's 
sister's daughter) to 58. 

114. Kawu (mother's sister's daughter's husband) to 39; haiyi (mother's 
mother's sister's daughter's husband) to 58. 

The individuals 115 to 122 are related to 39 and 58 because Noraasu 
(11) "used to spark with Posululu's [120] mother" [117]. I do not 
know whether this statement by Mrs. Thompson meant that 11 was 
actually the father of 118, 120, and 122 or not. At any rate, the terms 
applied by her to these three individuals were the same as those ap- 
plied to real brothers and sisters. The following relationships and 
also that of 85, the informant said, are based on the above. 

115. Ene to 39. 115 being ene to 120, who is counted as tete to 39, 115 is 
reckoned as ene to 39 also. The relationship is not logical whether reckoned 
by descent or by marriage. 

116. I did not obtain the relationship to 39 and 58. 

117. I did not obtain the relationship to 39 and 58. 

118. Tete to 39; ami to 58. 

119. Kawu to 39; no relation to 58. 

120. Same as 118. 

121. Counted as no relation. However, if 119 stands in the relation of kawu 
to 39 this man ought to also. 

122. Tatci to 39; kaka to 58. 

Many of the above meanings of the terms of relationship are addi- 
tional to those already given in the list of terms. These additional 



1916] Gifford: MmoJc Moieties 179 

meanirfgs are listed below, and may be summarized in the statement 
that they represent the usual collateral application of terms common 
to the so-called classiticatory systems of relationship. Meanings of 
terms already given in the list of terms of relationship are omitted in 
that which follows. It should be remembered that the ensuing use of 
terms is entirely from the standpoint of a woman as the speaker. 



Am a 



Ami 



Atiisii 



Father's mother's brother's daughter. 

Father's father's mother's half sister's son's wife. 

Mother's father's brother's wife. 

Mother's father's mother's brother's daughter. 

Mother's older half sister. 

Mother's earlier co-wife. 

Mother's mother's earlier co-wife. 

Mother's father's father's brother's son's daughter. 

Father's father's father's brother's daughter. 

Mother 's half brother 's daughter. 

Mother's mother's sister's daughter. 

Mother 's co-wife 's brother 's daughter. 

Mother's father's brother's younger daughter. 

Mother's father's father's brother's son's son's daughter. 



Ansi 



Father's brother's daughter's sou. 

Husband's father's father's brother's son's son's son. 
Mother's sister's daughter's son. 

Mother 's father 's father 's brother 's son 's daughter 's daughter 's son. 
AjJasti 

Husband's father's father's brother's son's son. 
Husband's father's mother's half sister's son's son. 



Atce 



Ate 



Ene 



Haiyi 



Half brother's daughter's son. 

Father's father's brother's son's daughter's daughter's son. 

Father's father's father's brother's son's son's younger son. 
Mother's half brother's daughter's younger son. 
Mother's co-wife's brother's daughter's younger son. 
Mother's father's brother's daughter's younger son. 

Father's father's father's brother's son's daughter. 
Father's father's mother's half sister's son's daughter. 



Mother's mother's sister's daughter's husband. 
Mother's father's father's brother's son's daughter's husband. 
Mother's father's father's brother's son's son's daughter's husband. 
Hewasu 

Husband's father's father's brother's son. 
Husband's father's mother's half sister's son. 



180 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12 

Kalca 

Mother's half brother. 

Mother's co-wife's brother's son. 

Mother's co-wife's brother's son's son. 

Mother's mother's co-wife's brother's daughter's son. 

Mother's father's father's brother's son's son. 
Kawu 

Father's father's brother's son's daughter's husband. 

Father 's father 's brother 's son 's son 's daughter 's husband. 

Mother's sister's daughter's husband. 

Mother's father's father's brother's son's daughter's daugliter's husband. 
Kolina 

Husband's father's brother's daughter. 

Husband's father's father's brother's son's daughter. 

Husband's father's mother's half sister's son's daughter. 
Kumatsa 

Mother's half brother's wife. 
Manisa 

Father's father's brother's son's daughter's daughter's husband. 
Oiyame 

Father's brother's daughter's son's wife. 

Mother 's father 's father 's brother 's son 's daughter 's daughter 's son 's wife. 
Olo 

Brother's wife's sister. 

Half brother's wife. 

Father's father's brother's son's son's wife. 

Father's father's brother's son's daughter's daughter's son's wife. 

Mother's father's brother's daughter's son's wife. 
Paj)a 

Father's father's brother. 

Father's father's father's brother's son. 

Father's father's mother's half sister's son. 

Mother's father's brother. 

Mother's father's father's brother. 

Mother's father's father's brother's son. 

Mother's father's mother's brother. 
Tatci 

Father's father's brother's son's older son. 
Tete 

Father's father's brother's son's older daughter. 

Mother's father's brother's daughter's older daughter. 

Mother's father's father's brother's son's daughter's daughter. 

Father's brother's daughter's daughter. 

Father's father's brother's son's daughter's daughter. 

Half brother's daughter. 

Father's father's brother's son's son's daughter. 

Father's father's father's brother's son's son. 
Father's father's mother's half sister's son's son. 



Tunc 



xjpsa 



upii 



1916] 



Gifford: Miwok Moieties 



181 



My oldest informant, Tom Williams of Jamestown, stated that in 
the ease of endogamic (as to moiety) marriages the terms of relation- 
ship for persons connected through the marriage were altered. Every 
other informant denied this. Tom, however, volunteered the infor- 
mation in such a straightforward manner that it seems not unlikely 
that this was the practice in former times. All of the terms which 
are said to be changed by the tabu marriage denote relationships which 
are normally the result of marriage. Furthermore, each expresses a 
relationship which is at least one generation removed from the speaker, 
never in the speaker's generation. In each case of change a term is 
substituted which brings the person addressed one generation nearer 
the speaker. No change is made in the case of relatives connected by 
the marriage are of one generation. The motive of the change would 
seem to be the desire to ignore the improper (endogamic) marriage. 
This alleged peculiarity of the IVIiwok kinship nomenclature has been 
disregarded in the inferences drawn in this paper owing to lack of 
verification. The data are presented as a matter of record, the ex- 
amples given by Tom Williams being tabulated below. 



Its most direct 
normal applica 
The term tioii is 
Eselu 

Ansi 
Tune 



Upii 

Tomu 

tjpsa 

Apasti 

Olo 

Kolina 

Kolina 

Tatci 



/;( case of endogamic 
marriage it is applied 
to 
Child under 15 \ears Grandchild (through son) 

of age " under 15 years of age 

Son Grandson (through son) 

Daughter Granddaughter (through 

son) 
Father Paternal grandfather 

Mother's older sister Paternal grandmother 
Sister's son (m.s.) Grandson of sister (m.s.) 
Husband's father 
Son 's wife (m.s.) 
Husband 's mother 
Son's wife (w.s.) 
Sister 's daughter 's hus- 
band (m.s.) 
Sister 's daughter 's hus- 
band (m.s.) 



On account of the 
below-named persons 
being of the wrong 
moiety 

Grandchild 's parents 



Had the mar- 
riage been 
proper (ex- 
ogamic) the 
term used 
would have 
been 

Atce 



Husband 's brother 
Brother's wife 
Husband's sister 
Husband's sister 
Elder brother 



Tcale Younger brother 



Grandson 's parents Atce 
Granddaughter's Atce 

parents 
Speaker 's parents 
Speaker's parents 
Sister 's husband (m.s.) Atce 
Husband Hewasu 

Son 's wife 
Husband 
Wife 
Husband if older 

than speaker 
Husband if younger 

than speaker 



Papa 
Ama 



Oiyame 
Hewasu 
Oiyame 
Pinuksa 

Pinuksa 



Terminology and Social Customs 

Of the female relatives who are normally of the opposite moiety, 
a man may sometimes marry his anisli who stands in the relation to 
him of cross-cousin or first cousin once removed (mother's brother's 
daughter or mother's brother's son's daughter) y^ He may not marry 



15 See the discussion of this matter under the heading "Cross-Cousin Mar- 
riage, ' ' p. 81. 



182 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12 

the anisii who stands in the relation to him of mother's younger sistei*. 
There seems to be no objection, however, to a man marrying his anisii 
M'ho is his mother's collateral sister. The marriage of 41 and 43 in 
genealogy I, generation D, and genealogy V, generation E, is of this 
type, 41 standing in the relation to 43 of mother's mother's sister's 
daughter. A man may not marry his lupuba, his tomu, or his oiyame. 
Speech with his oiyame (usually daughter-in-law) is tabued. 

Of the female relatives who may belong to either moiety, he may 
marry only those individuals who are not of his moiety, as follows: 
upon the death of his brother, his olo who stands in the relation of 
brother's wife; and upon the death of his wife, his wokli who stands 
in the relation of wife's sister, wife's brother's daughter, or wife's 
father 's sister. He may form a polygynous union with any of the last 
three during the lifetime of his wife. The marriage of 40 to 39 after 
his marriage to 47 (genealogy I, generations D and E) affords an 
example of a man marrying his wife's father's [half] sister. 

A woman may sometimes marry her aiisi who is her cross-cousin, 
or first cousin once removed (father's sister's son of father's father's 
sister's son), or her aiisi who is her collateral sister's son, as in the 
case cited above (41 and 43 in genealogies I and V). She may not 
marry the ansi who is her own son or her sister's son. She may not 
marry her kaka. Of the male relatives who may belong to either 
moiety a woman may marry those who are not of her moiety, as 
follows : upon the death of her husband or of her married sister, her 
apasti, who stands in the relation of husband's brother, or her kawu, 
who stands in the relation of sister's husband, father's sister's husband, 
or brother's daughter's husband. She may also become a co-wife in 
a polygynous union with either of the last three. The marriage of 
39 to 40 in genealogy I, generation D, exemplifies this, for 40 was 
already the husband of 47 (generations D and E), who was 39 's [half] 
brother's daughter. If 40 had married 39 first and then 47, the second 
marriage would have been an example of a woman marrying her 
father's [half] sister's husband, or to state it from the opposite stand- 
point, an example of a man marrying his wife's [half] brother's 
daughter. The marriage of 11 to 14 (genealogy I, generation C) is 
another case in point. 14 stood in the relation of iipsa (probably 
brother's daughter) to 12 and 13. Hence when 11 married 14 he 
married his wives' brother's daughter. 12, 13, 14, and 15 were co- 
wives married to 11 ; 39 and 47 were co- wives married to 40. 



1916] Gifford: Miwolc Moieties 183 

Speech tabus between relatives among the Miwok are correlated, so 
far as they go, with certain of the types of marriage. Between people 
of the same moiety tabus operate as follows: between a man and his 
mother-in-law, between a man and his mother-in-law's sisters, between 
a man and his mother's brother's wife, and between a woman and her 
son-in-law 's brother. Tabus between relatives of different moieties are 
those between a woman and her father-in-law, a woman and her father- 
in-law 's brother, and a man and his daughter-in-law's sisters. It is 
to be noted that when it is permissible for relatives to marry after the 
death of the connecting relative, no speech tabu is imposed upon them 
during the life of the connecting relative. Conversely, tabus continue 
in operation after the death of the connecting relative, just as terms 
of relationship do, for example, mother-in-law and son-in-law. If it 
becomes necessary to address a tabu relative on account of the absence 
of a go-between, the plural form is used, and, as an Indian expresses 
it, he talks to his relative as though she were more than one person. 
For example, a man would address his kumatsa (mother's brother's 
wife) by the plural kumatsako. 

In the succeeding paragraphs the application of terms of relation- 
ship, which apparently have been conditioned by social customs, will 
be discussed. The social phenomena, outside of exogamy, which I 
believe to have been particularly potent in molding the features of 
the Miwok terminology, are the right of marriage to certain of the 
wife's relatives and descent in the male line. Then, too, a psycho- 
logical factor may be invoked, namely, the feeling that one brother 
may be substituted for another, or, in other words, that brothers are 
essentially alike. The use of the term iipii (father) for father's 
brother indicates this sentiment, and shows that the father and the 
father's brother were regarded as more or less interchangeable as 
husbands and fathers. This use of the term iipii might be interpreted 
as indicating polyandry in which two or more brothers married a 
single woman. There is not the slightest pretext, however, for be- 
lieving that such a form of marriage ever existed among the Central 
Sierra Miwok. The concept of the similarity of brothers found ex- 
pression in the practice of a man marrying his brother's widow and 
thus becoming the father of his brother's children. The inclusion of 
the father and his brother in the term iipii is just the reverse of the 
careful distinction of the mother and her sisters by the terms iita, 
mother; tomu or ami, mother's older sister; and anisli, mother's 
younger sister. 



184 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12 

Upon the death of his wife a man might marry her sister, in case 
he had not already done so in a polygynous marriage. These two 
customs, the marriage of a man to his brother's widow and to his 
wife's sister, readily account for the applications of the twelve terms 
of relationship which follow. It is not claimed that the terms have 
resulted only from these two types of marriage, but it is claimed that 
the types of marriage and the use of the terms are in agreement and 
certainly seem to stand in the relation of cause and effect. 



tjpii 



Ansi 



Tune 



Father. 
Father's brother. 

Son. 

Man's brother's son. 
Woman 's sister 's son. 
Husband's brother's son. 
Wife's sister's son. 

Daughter. 

Man's brother's daughter. 
Woman 's sister 's daughter. 
Husband 's brother 's daughter. 
Wife's sister's daughter. 

Younger sister. 

Father's brother's younger daughter. 

Mother's sister's younger daughter. 

Ohler brother. 

Father 's brother 's older son. 

Mother 's sister 's older son. 

Older sister. 

Father's brother's older daughter. 
Mother's sister's older daughter. 
Tcale 

Younger brother. 

Father 's brother 's younger sou. 

Mother's sister's younger son. 

Hewasu 

Father-in-law. 

Husband 's father 's brother. 

Wife 's father 's brother. 

Mother-in-law. 

Wife's mother's sister. 

Husband's mother's sister. 



Kole 



Tatci 



Tete 



1916] Gifford: Mkvolc Moieties 185 

Manisa 

Son-in-law. 

Man's brother's daughter's husband. 

Woman's sister's daughter's husband. 

Daughter 's husband 's brother. 
Oiyame 

Daughter-in-law. 

Man 's brother 's son 's wife. 

Woman 's sister 's son 's wife. 

Son's wife's sister. 
naiyeme 

Later co-wife. 

Husband 's brother 's wife. 
Anisii 

Stepmother. 

Mother's younger sister. 

Father 's brother 's wife. 

The term anisii denotes among immediate relatives the mother's 
brother's daughter, the mother's younger sister and the father's 
brother's wife, providing she is younger than the mother. The 
mother's older sister and the father's brother's wife, providing she 
is older than the mother, are called tomu, or, among the Big Creek 
people, ami. The identity of the terms in each of these pairs of re- 
lationships need not be taken as an indication of double marriage, 
although informants stated that two brothers did at times marry two 
sisters, and such indeed would be the case were cross-cousin marriage 
rigorously adhered to. The identity of the terms undoubtedly arises 
from the two marriage customs mentioned above, which have nothing 
to do with either double marriage or cross-cousin marriage; namely, 
the marrying of the brother 's widow and of the wife 's sister. Hence, 
regarded from the standpoint of myself, my mother's sister and my 
father's brother's wife are both the potential wives of my father and 
both my potential stepmothers. To my mind this accounts for the 
identity in terminology without involving double marriage or cross- 
cousin marriage. As I will show later, cross-cousin marriage is un- 
doubtedly a late and not general development and has had no effect 
on the terminology of relationship. 

The identification of the mother's brother's daughter with the 
mother's younger sister and the father's brother's wife younger than 
the mother is apparent in the use of the term anisii for these three 
relationships without any qualifying term. As corroboration of this 
identification, it must be noted that the reciprocals of the various 



186 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and EtJin. [Vo]. ]2 

meanings of the terms anisii and tomu are identical throughout. They 
are aiisi and tune, that is, son and daughter. Furthermore, a man 
or a woman calls the children of the anisii cross-cousin (mother's 
brother's daughter), when they are not the man's own, his or her 
brothers and sisters, just as is done with the children of other anisii 
relatives, notably mother's sister's children. Light is thrown on this 
identification of the mother's brother's daughter with the mothi-'r's 
younger sister and the father's brother's wife younger than the mother 
by the Miwok custom of a man marrying his wife's brother's daughter 
in eases of polygamy or after the death of his wife. In some cases, 
if she were too young for him to marry, she was held for him until 
she had reached the marriageable age, when she was handed over to 
him. To myself, therefore, my mother's brother's daughter also stands 
in the relation of father's potential wife or potential stepmother, just 
as do my mother's sister and my father's brother's wife. The re- 
flection, in the term anisii, of this form of marriage ; namely, of a man 
to his wife's brother's daughter, is indicative of its antiquity. The 
term anisii might be translated, not by its various applications, but 
by the terra potential stepmother, a translation which wouhl apply 
consistently to the individuals included under the term. 

Other Miwok terms of relationship give additional proof of the 
marriage of a man to his wife's brother's daughter. The term wokli 
is applied not only to wife's brother or sister but also to wife's 
brother's son or daughter. This means that a man's wife's brother's 
daughter may become his wife, thus making the remaining children 
of his first wife's brother his brothers- and sisters-in-law. The appli- 
cation of the reciprocal of wokli, kawu, to sister's husband and father's 
sister's husband indicates the same kind of marriage, which, as already 
pointed out, is the actual custom. This type of marriage is reflected 
altogether in twelve terms, to wit : anisii, aiisi, kaka, kawu, kole, lupuba, 
tatci, tete, tune, tcale, (ipsa, and wokli. 

A woman calls her father's sister's children, who are her cross- 
cousins, son and daughter, terms which seem to have arisen from this 
form of marriage. Viewed from the standpoint of the woman, she 
marries her father's sister's husband; hence his children become her 
stepchildren. In Miwok terminology, whether she marries the man 
or not, his children (her cross-cousins) are called aiisi and tune (son 
and daughter) by her, and she is called anisii (potential stepmother^ 
by them. The principle is carried into other terms, for her broth(>r is 
called kaka (mother's brother) by them, while he applies tlie terms 



1916] Giford: Miwol Moieties 187 

iipsa and lupuba (sister's son and daughter) to them, according to 
their sex. We thus find that the Miwok classification of cross-cousins 
seems to be based entirely on this form of marriage ; namely, that of 
a woman to her father's sister's husband or of a man to his wife's 
brother 's daughter. The cross-cousins are : 

Man's mother's brother's daughter — anisii. 
Man's mother's brother's son — kaka. 
Man 's father 's sister 's son — iipsa. 
Man's father's sister's daughter — lupuba. 

Woman's mother's brother's daughter — anisii. 
Woman's mother's brother's son — kaka. 
Woman 's father 's sister 's son — aiisi. 
Woman 's father 's sister 's daughter — tune. 

It is to be noted that the mother's brother's son and daughter are 
called by the terms for uncle and potential stepmother (kaka and 
anisii), whether the speaker is a man or a woman. A woman's father's 
sister's son and daughter are called son and daughter, while a man's 
father's sister's son and daughter are called nephew and niece. 

The practice of cross-cousins applying to each other the terms used 
by children and parents, or by children and aunts and uncles, is closely 
paralleled elsewhere in the world. Dr. R. H. Codrington^** has re- 
corded a case in the Banks Islands which Dr. W. H. R. Rivers" has 
cited. Exact parallels to the terminology in the Banks Islands are 
found among the Minnitarees, Crows, Choctaws, Creeks, Cherokees, 
and Pawnees.'^ All of the above cases would be the result. Dr. Rivers 
claims, of the marriage of a man to his mother's brother's wife. This 
type of marriage is impossible among the Miwok on account of moiety 
exogamy and descent in the male line, so that here the parallel be- 
tween the Miwok, Melanesian, and eastern North American cases 
ceases. The Miwok terminology is probably caused, however, by the 
reverse custom of a woman marrying her father's sister's husband, 
or, stating it from the standpoint of a man, of a man marrying his 
wife's brother's daughter. To me it seems probable that this custom 
is responsible for the uniting of my mother's brother and his male 
descendants, immediate and through males, ad infinitum, in the term 
kaka. Likewise it is probably responsible for the uniting of my 



16 The Melanesians, Studies in Their Anthropology and Folk-Lore (Oxford,, 
Clarendon Press, 1891), 38-39. 

17 Kinship and Social Organization (London, Constable & Co. Ltd., 1914), 28. 
18 /bid., 53. 



188 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12 

mother's brother's female descendants immediate and through males, 
ad infinitum, in the term anisii, for all are the potential wives of my 
father. Dr. Robert H. Lowie points to an identical combination of 
male descendants of the mother 's brother among the patrilineal Omaha, 
Oto, Kansa, and other Siouan tribes.^® He would lay this to the 
operation of exogamy and to the extension of the use of terms of 
relationship to clan brothers and sisters, rather than to a special mar- 
riage custom, as Dr. Rivers would. Among the Miwok there are no 
clan or moiety brothers and sisters, all relationship being based on 
blood and marriage ties. Marriage custom and terminology among 
the Miwok would seem, therefore, to support Dr. Rivers' contention. 
Other features which would arise from the type of marriage just dis- 
cussed are also present both among the Omaha and the Miwok ; for 
example, the classing together of father's sister's daughter and sister's 
daughter. Among the Omaha my mother's brother's daughter's son 
is my brother; so he is also among the Miwok, where my mother's 
brother's daughter may be my stepmother, for my father has a right 
to marry her in case of my mother's death, or in case he desires to 
have more than one wife. 

To sum up, I do not deny the potency of exogamy to bring about 
the Omaha and Miwok type of nomenclature, but I do claim for the 
marriage custom cited an equal potency to* bring about such a result. 

The combining of woman's sister's husband and woman's brother's 
daughter's husband in the term kawu, and of wife's sister and wife's 
father's sister in the term wokli, are reflections of the marriage of a 
man to his wife's father's sister and conversely of a woman to her 
brother's daughter's husband. 

In iMiwok polygnous marriages it is said to have been not un- 
common for a man to marry two sisters. Such a marriage is shown 
in genealogy I, generation C. Nomasu (11) married Wiluye (12) and 
Tulmisuye (13), who were real sisters (see genealogy IV, generation 
C). This type of marriage is reflected but faintly in the nomenclature 
of relationship. The remarks under 107, page 178, in the demonstra- 
tion of the terms of relationship based on the genealogies, bring to 
light a reflection of this type of marriage. The term kaka, usually 
applied to mother's brother and mother's brother's son, is here applied 
to mother's co-wife's brother's son just as if mother's co-wife was 
mother's sister, which she is not in this case. The fact that this term 
is here applied to a person through a co-wife who is not mother's 



19 Exogamy and Systems of Relationship, Am. Authr., n. s., xvn, 238, 1915. 



1916] Giford: Miwok Moieties - 189 

sister leads one to believe that co-wives were usually sisters. For 
similar examples see 109 and 110. Other terms of relationship are 
also used on the basis of treating co- wives as sisters ; for instance, see 
the use of anisli in 104, of ate in 109, and of ami in 12 and 47. In the 
last two instances the mother's co-wife is called by the term used for 
mother's older sister. ^ 



CROSS-COUSIN MARRIAGE 

When asked if it were proper for a man to marry a cousin, ]\Iiwok 
informants always replied in the negative. In obtaining genealogical 
information, however, cases came up in which a man married his 
mother's brother's daughter. I called my informant's attention to 
this fact and received the reply that the individuals concerned were 
not regarded as cousins, for they stood in the relation of ansi and 
anisii to each other, which translated into English would be son and 
aunt, or potential stepmother. This affords an excellent example of 
the futility of using English terms of relationship with natives when 
discussing native customs. 

Every Miwok to whom the question was put stated that the proper 
mate for a man was a woman who stood in the relation of anisii to 
him, providing she was not too closely related to him.-'^ Although a 
man might marry his anisii cross-cousin, who was the daughter of his 
mother's brother, he could under no circumstances marry his lupuba 
cross-cousin, who was the daughter of his father's sister. This one- 
sidedness of cross-cousin marriage among the Miwok in no way affected 
its popularity, or, to be more exact, the popularity of anisii-aiisi mar- 
riages, of which the cross-cousin marriage is one form. In many cases 
my informants would state that a certain man and his wife stood in 
the relation to each other of afisi and anisii. Although these instances 
w^ere not substantiated, except in four cases, by genealogical proof, 
they show the popularity of this form of marriage. At Big Creek 
six of the listed marriages are of this type, eight are not, and on the 
remaining eight I have no information. Cases were encountered in 
which a husband and wife claimed to stand in the aiisi-anisii relation 
to each other, but, when asked to demonstrate the relation, were unable 
to trace the connecting links. This state of affairs shows clearly that 
aiisi-anisii marriages must have been the vogue, otherwise married 



20 See nieaniugs of term anisii on pages 172 and 179; also discussion of term 
under "Terminology and Social Customs." 



190 University of California Fuhlications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12 

people who could not prove such a relationship would not lay claim 
to it. Even among the Northern Sierra Miwok at Elk Grove, among 
w^hom the moiety system does not seem to exist, aiisi-anisii marriages 
were the custom. The Southern Sierra Miwok of Madera County state 
that these marriages were proper, but that the contracting parties 
must be only distantly related. 

Informants at Jamestown, while stating that anisu-aiisi marriages 
were prevalent there as elsewhere, said that marriages between first 
cousins, who stood in this relation, were commoner higher in the moun- 
tains than at Jamestown. The men at Jamestown and lower in the 
foothills were inclined to marry an anisii further removed than a first 
cousin. There seems to have been a sentiment at Jamestown against 
the marriage of first cousins. One woman was asked if she would 
consider it proper for her son to marry her brother's daughter. She 
replied, ' ' No, she is too much like his mother, ' ' meaning herself. Her 
reply may have been engendered by the Miwok custom of a man 
marrying his wife's brother's daughter. By this marriage his new 
wife, who is also his son's anisii cross-cousin, would become his son's 
stepmother; hence perhaps the woman's statement with regard to her 
son 's anisii cross-cousin, ' ' too much like his mother. ' ' 

The identification of the anisii cross-cousin with the mother's 
younger sister and father's brother's wife younger than mother has 
already been discussed under the heading "Terminology and Social 
Customs." As stated there, there are twelve terms which reflect the 
marriage of a man to his wife's brother's daughter. Turning now to 
cross-cousin marriage, let us search for terms which reflect it. We 
find that there are none. With the popularity of cross-cousin mar- 
riage in the minds of the people at present, one might expect to find 
identical terms for such relationships as mother's brother and man's 
father-in-law, mother's brother's wife and man's mother-in-law, son 
and daughter and son and daughter of a man's anisii cross-cousin, 
but such terms are lacking.-^ The only evidence which possibly favors 
antiquity of cross-cousin marriage lies in the speech tabu which exists 
between a man and his mother's brother's wife or kumatsa, who in 
view of cross-cousin marriage is his potential mother-in-law. The 



-1 As mentioned on page 173 in the discussion of the term kumatsa, two Jajiies- 
town informants gave the term manisa (normally son-in-law) for husband's 
sister 's son instead of the usual term pinuksa. If this usage were established 
it could be said that cross-cousin marriage did have a reflection in the nomen- 
clature. However, five othei' infoiinants gave pinuksa, not manisa, as the jnojier 
term. 



1916] Gifford: MmoTc Moieties 191 

Miwok, like other California Indians, imposed a tabu upon a man and 
his mother-in-law. 

The situation there is this : There is in the Miwok terminology 
of relationship an undeniable reflection of the marriage of a man to 
his wife 's brother 's daughter ; on the other hand, there is no reflection 
whatever of cross-cousin marriage. This implies that the former is 
the more primitive custom of the two. It may be shown in a diagram 
as follows : 



A = h 



E f 

In this diagram, if E marries /, who is E's mother's brother's 
daughter (anisii cross-cousin), A cannot marry /, who is his wife's 
brother's daughter, because / has already become his son's wife, and 
all intercourse between a man and his daughter-in-law is tabued. If 
E did not marry /, A would have a perfect right to her, for / is his 
wife's brother's daughter and his potential wife. Thus we have the 
two types of marriage in conflict, for either a man or his son may 
claim the same woman, A claiming / because she is his wife 's brother 's 
daughter, E claiming / because she is his anisii (mother's brother's 
daughter). Informants and genealogies vouch for the occurrence of 
both forms of marriage, which if taken as synchronous for any one 
woman would mean polyandry, of which there is no trace, a man and 
his son having one woman in common. It is easily conceivable, how- 
ever, that the two practices existed side by side. 

An attempt to show the connection between these two intimately 
related forms of marriage will now be made. It has already been 
pointed out that the marriage of a man to his wife's brother's daughter 
is reflected in twelve terms of relationship. Evidently, therefore, a 
man regarded his wife's brother's daughter as his potential wife, for 
in some cases of polygyny, and of the death of the first wife, he mar- 
ried her. Here seems to me to be the key to the mystery of the one- 
sided Miwok cross-cousin marriage. The man who thus had a right 
to marry his wife's brother's daughter may have passed that right on 
to his son. In other words, the marriage right of the father became 
vested in the son in cases in which the father did not avail himself 
of it. This hypothesis explains why two blood relatives, who recip- 



192 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12 

rocally used the terms for son and potential stepmother, or aunt, and 
who might actually become stepson and stepmother, should marry. 
The theory that cross-cousin marriage has been thus evolved from 
another form of marriage through descent in the male line, displays 
it as a secondary, and perhaps recent, form of marriage, which has 
not yet affected the nomenclature of relationship. If it were found 
in future investigations that the father paid for his wife's brother's 
daughter and then let his son marry her, our hypothesis would become 
almost an established fact. 

Two terms of relationship, which are reciprocals, seem to support 
this hypothetical origin of cross-cousin marriage. They are kolina 
and olo. In kolina are united the husband 's sister and the husband 's 
father's sister, which would be the case where both a man and his 
father had the right to a woman. To fit our hypothesis more exactlj^ 
however, the meanings combined should be husband's sister and hus- 
band's son's sister (that is, stepdaughter). 

If we admit the cogency of the above theory as to the origin of the 
unilateral Miwok cross-cousin marriage, we immediately have at hand 
an explanation of why the other form of cross-cousin marriage is for- 
bidden. When a man marries his wife's brother's daughter he marries 
a person who is normally not his blood relative. As I have already 
pointed out, it is but a simple step to extend to the man's son the 
privilege of marrying the same woman, providing the man himself 
does not do so. Now let us try to imagine the forbidden cross-cousin 
marriage arising in a similar manner. In the first step this involves 
the marriage of a man to his son's lupuba cross-cousin, that is, to his 
son's father's sister's daughter, who is his own sister's daughter. She 
is called lupuba by both the man and his son. In the diagram D and 
/ are the cross-cousins. A has absolutely no right to /. his son's cross- 



b=A e=G 



D f 

cousin. In the first place, she is not related to his wife h, and in the 
second place she is the daughter of his own sister e, and hence a close 
blood relative. As we recall, his right to his son's other female cross- 
cousin (anisii) was based on the fact that she was his wife's brother's 
daughter and nonnally not his blood relative. It would seem that the 



HD 1.4B)iQi3i 



1916] Gifford: Miwolc Moieties 193 

prohibition against a man marrying his lupuba, who is his sister's 
daughter, had been extended to the son, thus preventing the latter 
from marrying his lupuba, who is his father's sister's daughter and 
his own cross-cousin. 

If Miwok cross-cousin marriage had arisen in any other way than 
the hypothetical way already outlined it is hard to imagine why it 
should be restricted to only one pair of cross-cousins. The very fact 
that it is so restricted strengthens the theory of origin primarily 
through the passing on of a privilege in the male line. In allowing 
the one kind of cross-cousin marriage and not the other the Miwok 
evidently considered inheritance as more important than consanguin- 
ity ; yet where inheritance had no weight consanguinity became active 
and prevented the other form of cross-cousin marriage. 

Two tirst cousin marriages of the cross-cousin type were recorded. 
The first case is in generation C, in genealogies I and II ; the indi- 
viduals are numbered 16 and 17. Talalu (16) married Niwuye (17), 
who is the daughter of his mother's (6, Simutuye) brother (78, Pee- 
luyak). The second case is in generation D of genealogy I; the indi- 
viduals are numbered 39 and 40. Sapata (40) married Pilekuye (39), 
who is the daughter of his mother's (18, Miltaiye) brother (11, No- 
masu). One marriage between first cousins once removed was re- 
corded. The marriage is that of Sapata (40) and Atce (47). It is 
recorded in generations D and E of genealogy I. Sapata (40) mar- 
ried the daughter (47, Atce) of his mother's (18, Miltaiye) brother's 
(11, Nomasu) son (32, Pelisu). 



CONCLUSION 

The discovery of a dual social organization among the Mono and 
the Yokuts tribes, as mentioned in the introduction, indicates that 
they together with the Miwok form a compact unit socially. Judging 
from Dr. J. Alden Mason's statement" as to the presence of a bear 
and a deer "totem" among the Salinan Indians, it seems safe to infer 
that the moiety organization will be found to extend to the coast. 
Among the Central Sierra Miwok the bear is the animal associated 
most frequently through personal names with the land moiety; the 
deer is the animal associated most frequently in a like manner with 



22 The Ethnology of the Saliuan Indians, Uuiv. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn., 
X, 189, 1912. 



194 University of CaJifornia Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12 

the water moiety. These facts suggest that the bear and the deer 
' ' totems ' ' among the Salinan may stand for two moieties. 

The greater complexity of the moiety organization among the Taehi 
Yokuts about Tulare Lake as compared to the Central Sierra Miwok 
organization leads to the impression that the latter people are on the 
periphery of the moiety area. Although it is too early in the study 
to advance a positive opinion, the distribution of the institution, to- 
gether with its varying complexity, seems to point to the San Joaquin 
Valley as the region from which the organization spread to the moun- 
tain tribes, perhaps to the west as well as to the east.-^ 



23 For a preliminary notiee see Dichotomous Social Organization in South 
Central California, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn., xi, 291-296, 1916. 



Transmitted September 18, 1915. 












^ '4^^ 










^s- 






'J', 









"^OV^ 






p </'\ °^'!^M^^ ^ ^% ^'Wffs 









4^ < 



.0' 



^ ^^<^^ ,^^ 



% 









,^- 



«>^. 






r\^' 






,> 



<'. 



, r< 



*• G 


.'"-L" *,. 






V 


'/ 
>* 




" 


/. 


.«\'/^ "^o. 













oV^p: 



-^0^ 






^0 



-?;- 












'^ ^^ '.-.^.<>^ ^f^' ^ ^:v^ 



P^' .^^ 



,-^ .^-^ 






&'- "^-^/..^ 



o 



A 



>- J. • • ^ ^ V ■ 



<>*_ .■{► 



V<J^ C ° " " * ""^ 







','^"'=^ 



u 






O 

o 






.^^' 












v>. 



1^ ' %.^ 



o V 
.0 



s^l' 



^°-u 
















M% 




'o , ,* 

- 1 o -^ 






a\ 






ST. AUGUSTINE ". %r (P *^^J^^ ^^ 'i^ '^-^ 



D0BB3 BFIOS. 



,-\'- 






'>^iW< 









o 






